Annexation of the Baltic states to the USSR 1939 1940. The whole truth about life in the Soviet Baltic states
More than 75 years ago the Baltic states became Soviet. This event still causes fierce debate and sometimes diametrically opposed assessments. Some talk about occupation, others claim that it was voluntary entry into the USSR.
The fate of the Baltic states was determined by the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. And not the agreement itself, but secret agreements to it, which stipulated the issue of delimiting the spheres of “mutual interests” of the USSR and Germany in Eastern Europe. A direct continuation of the pact was the Treaty of Friendship and Border between the USSR and Germany, signed on September 28, 1939, and two secret protocols to it. With these documents, the states officially and legally consolidated the division of the territory of Poland and decided the fate of the Baltic countries. Moreover, if, according to the secret protocols to the pact of August 23, Lithuania went into the German sphere of influence, now it was transferred to the Soviet zone - in exchange for the Lublin and part of the Warsaw voivodeship.
By that time, in the Baltic countries, as a result of armed coups carried out in different times(in Lithuania - in 1926, in Latvia and Estonia - in 1934), authoritarian power was established, many democratic institutions ceased to exist, and strict censorship was in effect. The authoritarian style of government was perceived by many politicians of these countries, including opposition ones, as a guarantee of maintaining state independence. A characteristic feature of that - and, alas, not only that - time: the illusion that the absence of democratic institutions and authoritarian power ensure the security of borders.
All three Baltic countries in their foreign policy, choosing between the USSR and Germany, leaned in favor of the latter. Even the Central Committee of the Latvian Social Democratic Party published a consolidated opinion back in 1928: “If you choose between Soviet power and fascism, then it is better to choose fascism.”
And yet with final choice We weren't in a hurry. By 1939, Lithuania had already suffered from Nazi Germany: in 1938, it presented an ultimatum to the Lithuanian government, demanding the actual return of the Memel region, which in 1920, according to the Treaty of Versailles, was taken from Germany and transferred to the Entente, and from 1924 became part of Lithuania. The authorities of the Baltic countries guessed about the secret protocols to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. There was also no need to count on help from England and France: the Baltic states found themselves sandwiched between two large totalitarian states and could only rely on themselves.
Soviet plenipotentiaries in the Baltic countries closely monitored the situation, noting the nervousness and uncertainty of the authorities. And they came to the same conclusion: a favorable moment had arisen to put pressure on these states. The further scenario was as follows: at first the USSR offered obviously unacceptable conditions, then made some “concessions.”
And all this against the backdrop of increased troop activity on the border.
Estonia acted as a testing ground. In September 1939, the USSR urgently invited her to conclude a military alliance or mutual assistance agreement with him. When the head of the Estonian Foreign Ministry Selter tried to refer to the neutrality of his country, the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR Molotov spoke downright Jesuitically: “I ask you, do not force us to use force against Estonia.”
On the eve of the negotiations, the Soviet Navy de facto blocked Estonia from the sea, and a powerful military group of the Red Army was formed on the borders of Estonia and Latvia, with a total of about half a million people. Naturally, in this situation, Estonia “agreed” to the deployment of Soviet military bases.
After Estonia, it was Latvia’s turn. Stalin told Foreign Minister Munters without euphemisms: “I’ll tell you straight: the division of spheres of influence has taken place... if not us, then the Germans can occupy you.” So the word “occupation” in relation to the Baltic states was first heard from the lips of the Soviet leader.
As for Lithuania, here Moscow has prepared not only a stick, but also a carrot - the city of Vilna (Vilnius), which was part of Poland before the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. In the event of Lithuania's intractability, Moscow promised to transfer Vilna to Belarus. This argument became decisive. Thus, Lithuania became the third state after Germany and the USSR to participate in the division of Poland.
Stalin was a radical imperialist: he collected lands "lost" after 1917. The Baltic states were needed by the Soviet Union as an industrial and raw material resource, untouched and not devastated by the Civil War.
And, of course, access to the sea and islands convenient for deploying troops was strategically important.
By placing military bases in the Baltic states, the USSR declared that it would not interfere in the politics of these countries and would not encroach on their sovereignty. Strict instructions were sent from Moscow to the plenipotentiaries in these countries: to stop all contacts with leftist forces and suppress any talk about Sovietization. But declarations sometimes had nothing to do with reality.
Despite some tensions, the USSR and the Baltic countries generally complied with the terms of mutual assistance agreements, although their relations were far from idyllic. The ruling circles of the Baltics still harbored hopes of freeing themselves from the imposed treaties. The Soviet leadership, for its part, sought to finally gain a foothold in a strategically advantageous region on the border East Prussia, and at the same time expand the zone of socialism.
And then came the next point in the Baltic scenario. By mid-June 1940, a strike force of the Red Army was concentrated near the southeastern borders of Lithuania and Latvia. Taking into account the corps deployed in the Baltics, it numbered about 435 thousand people, up to 8 thousand guns and mortars, over 3 thousand tanks, more than 500 armored vehicles, 2601 aircraft.
Events developed as lightning fast as they were unprecedented. On June 14, the USSR demanded that Lithuania change its government to a pro-Soviet one and allow the entry of additional Red Army units into its territory. The document is very colorful in form and content.
A few days later, similar ultimatums followed regarding Latvia and Estonia. The Minister of Foreign Affairs of Lithuania Urbshis asked to postpone the adoption of such complex solution, referring to Lithuanian legislation, which did not have articles that allowed Skuchas and Povilaitis to be brought to trial. To this, Molotov demonstrated a kind of “respect” for the law: “First of all, you need to arrest them, and the articles will be found.” Molotov no longer considered it necessary to observe politeness and told Urbshis: “If the response is delayed, then the Soviet government will immediately implement its measures, and unconditionally.”
Paradoxically, there were practically no attempts at resistance - even the Soviet intelligence services were pleasantly surprised: they did not have to deploy units ready to suppress “hotbeds of counter-revolution.” In the young Baltic states, over the twenty years of independence, a democratic legal consciousness has not been formed, as a result of which both ordinary people and ruling circles reacted passively to actions Soviet Union. Only Lithuanian President Smetona insisted on resistance, but was not supported by the military.
As a result, he fled and - alone of all the Baltic leaders - created a government in exile.
According to Moscow's scenario, the Baltic countries themselves should have asked to join the USSR. For this purpose, decorative “people’s” governments were formed in the Baltic states. They included loyal representatives of the scientific community, professors and artistic elite, who were not formally members of the Communist Party (before Sovietization, the Communist Party was banned in the Baltic countries). At the same time, communists were actively included in the apparatus, especially in key positions.
After the revision of the executive branch, it was the turn of the legislative branch. On July 5, 1940, the governments of the three republics issued decrees on the procedure for holding parliamentary elections. Local election codes have been seriously adjusted. Voting took place on the same dates and according to the same scenario, in fact under the control of the Red Army.
Only one voting bloc, made up of representatives of leftist forces, was allowed to participate in the elections in each country. The program documents were identical, and the political and even gender composition of parliaments was pre-determined in Moscow. Each voter at the polling station received a mark in their passport - a kind of certificate of loyalty. As a result, there was almost one hundred percent turnout (the least in Estonia - 84%) and 93-97% of those who voted in favor.
On July 17, 1940, the special representatives of the USSR government in the Baltic republics, Zhdanov, Dekanozov and Vyshinsky, at a meeting in Tallinn, discussed the final details and approved a draft declaration on the accession of these still independent states to the USSR. A few days later it was adopted by the newly elected Baltic parliaments.
Responding to the “requests” of the Baltic parliaments, in August 1940, the VII session of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR accepted Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia into the USSR as union republics.
These days mark the 70th anniversary of the establishment of Soviet power in the Baltic states. On July 21-22, 1940, the parliaments of the three Baltic countries proclaimed the creation of the Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republics and adopted the Declaration of Entry into the USSR. Already at the beginning of August 1940, they became part of the Soviet Union. The current authorities of the Baltic states interpret the events of those years as annexation. In turn, Moscow categorically disagrees with this approach and points out that the annexation of the Baltic states was in accordance with international law.
Let us recall the background to this issue. The Soviet Union and the Baltic countries signed mutual assistance agreements, according to which, by the way, the USSR received the right to station a military contingent in the Baltic states. Meanwhile, Moscow began to declare that the Baltic governments were violating the agreements, and later the Soviet leadership received information about the activation of the German fifth column in Lithuania. There was a second world war, Poland and France had already been defeated by that time, and, of course, the USSR could not allow the Baltic countries to move into the zone of German influence. In this, in fact, emergency Moscow demanded that the Baltic governments allow additional Soviet troops. In addition, the USSR put forward political demands, which, in essence, meant a change of power in the Baltic states.
Moscow's terms were accepted, and early parliamentary elections were held in the three Baltic countries, in which the pro-communist forces won a landslide victory, while voter turnout was very high. The new government carried out the annexation of these countries to the Soviet Union.
If we do not engage in legal chicanery, but speak on the merits, then calling what happened an occupation would mean sinning against the truth. Who doesn't know what's in Soviet times Was the Baltic a privileged region? Thanks to the colossal investments made in the Baltic states from the all-Union budget, the standard of living in the new Soviet republics was one of the highest. By the way, this gave rise to unfounded illusions, and at the everyday level conversations began to be heard in the spirit of: “if we live so well under occupation, then, having gained independence, we will achieve a standard of living like in the West.” Practice has shown what these empty dreams were worth. None of the three Baltic states ever turned into a second Sweden or Finland. Quite the contrary, when the “occupier” left, everyone saw that it was really very high level The life of the Baltic republics was largely supported by subsidies from Russia.
All these things are obvious, but political demagoguery ignores even easily verifiable facts. And here our Foreign Ministry needs to keep its ears open. Under no circumstances should one agree with that interpretation. historical facts, which is adhered to by the current authorities of the Baltic countries. They will also be able to charge us for the “occupation,” since Russia is the successor of the USSR. So the assessment of the events of seventy years ago is not only of historical interest, but also has a direct bearing on our lives today.
In order to understand the issue, KM.RU turned to MGIMO Associate Professor Olga Nikolaevna Chetverikova.
“We do not recognize this as an occupation, and this is the main stumbling block. Our country’s arguments are that this cannot be called an occupation, because what happened corresponds to the international legal norms that existed in those years. From this point of view, there is nothing to complain about here. And they believe that the elections to the Seimas were rigged. The secret protocols to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact are also considered. They say that this was agreed upon with the German authorities, but no one has seen all these documents, no one can confirm the reality of their existence.
First, it is necessary to clear the source base, documentary, archival, and then you can say something. Serious research is needed, but as Ilyukhin said well, those archives that present the events of those years in a light unfavorable to the West are not published.
In any case, the position of our leadership is half-hearted and inconsistent. The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was condemned, and, accordingly, the unknown, existing or non-existent secret protocols were condemned.
I think if the Soviet Union had not annexed the Baltic states, Germany would have annexed the Baltic states, or it would have had the same conditions as France or Belgium. All of Europe was then virtually under the control of the German authorities.
Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania gained independence after the 1917 Russian Revolution. But Soviet Russia and later the USSR never gave up trying to regain these territories. And according to the secret protocol to the Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact, in which these republics were classified as part of the Soviet sphere of influence, the USSR received a chance to achieve this, which it did not fail to take advantage of. On September 28, 1939, the Soviet-Estonian mutual assistance pact was concluded. A 25,000-strong Soviet military contingent was introduced into Estonia. Stalin said to Selter upon his departure from Moscow: “With you it could turn out like with Poland. Poland was a great power. Where is Poland now?
On October 2, 1939, Soviet-Latvian negotiations began. The USSR demanded access to the sea from Latvia through Liepaja and Ventspils. As a result, on October 5, a mutual assistance agreement was signed for a period of 10 years, which provided for the deployment of a 25,000-strong contingent of Soviet troops to Latvia. And on October 10, the “Agreement on the transfer of the city of Vilna and the Vilna region to the Lithuanian Republic and on mutual assistance between the Soviet Union and Lithuania” was signed with Lithuania.
On June 14, 1940, the Soviet government presented an ultimatum to Lithuania, and on June 16 - to Latvia and Estonia. In basic terms, the meaning of the ultimatums was the same - the governments of these states were accused of gross violation of the terms of the Mutual Assistance Treaties previously concluded with the USSR, and a demand was put forward to form governments capable of ensuring the implementation of these treaties, as well as to allow additional contingents of troops into the territory of these countries. The terms were accepted.
Riga. Soviet Army is included in Latvia.
On June 15, additional contingents of Soviet troops were sent to Lithuania, and on June 17 - to Estonia and Latvia.
Lithuanian President A. Smetona insisted on organizing resistance to Soviet troops, however, having received a refusal from most of the government, he fled to Germany, and his Latvian and Estonian colleagues - K. Ulmanis and K. Päts - cooperated with the new government (both were soon repressed) , like Lithuanian Prime Minister A. Merkys. In all three countries, friendly to the USSR, but not communist governments were formed, headed, respectively, by J. Paleckis (Lithuania), I. Vares (Estonia) and A. Kirchenstein (Latvia).
The process of Sovietization of the Baltic countries was monitored by authorized representatives of the USSR government - Andrei Zhdanov (in Estonia), Andrei Vyshinsky (in Latvia) and Vladimir Dekanozov (in Lithuania).
The new governments lifted bans on communist parties and demonstrations and called early parliamentary elections. In the elections held on July 14 in all three states, the victory was won by the pro-communist Blocs (Unions) of the working people - the only electoral lists admitted to the elections. According to official data, in Estonia the turnout was 84.1%, with 92.8% of the votes cast for the Union of Working People, in Lithuania the turnout was 95.51%, of which 99.19% voted for the Union of Working People, in Latvia the turnout was 94.8%, 97.8% of the votes were cast for the Working People's Bloc.
The newly elected parliaments already on July 21-22 proclaimed the creation of the Estonian SSR, Latvian SSR and Lithuanian SSR and adopted the Declaration of Entry into the USSR. On August 3-6, 1940, in accordance with the decisions of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, these republics were admitted to the Soviet Union.
Estonian delegation State Duma returns from Moscow with the good news of the adoption of the republic into the USSR, August 1940.
Vares is received by his comrades: in uniform - the chief political instructor of the Defense Forces, Keedro.
August 1940, delegation of the newly elected Estonian State Duma in the Kremlin: Luus, Lauristin, Vares.
On the roof of the Moscow hotel, the Prime Minister of the government formed after the Soviet ultimatum of June 1940, Vares and Foreign Minister Andersen.
Delegation at Tallinn Station: Tikhonova, Luristin, Keedro, Vares, Sare and Ruus.
Thälmann, the couple Lauristin and Ruus.
Estonian workers at a demonstration demanding accession to the USSR.
Welcoming Soviet ships in Riga.
The Latvian Seimas welcomes the demonstrators.
Soldiers at a demonstration dedicated to the Soviet annexation of Latvia
Rally in Tallinn.
Welcoming delegates of the Estonian Duma in Tallinn after the annexation of Estonia by the Soviet Union.
On June 14, 1941, the internal affairs bodies of the USSR, with the support of the Red Army and communist activists, deported 15,424 people from Latvia. 10,161 people were displaced and 5,263 were arrested. 46.5% of the deportees were women, 15% were children under 10 years old. The total number of deceased victims of deportation was 4884 people (34% of total number), of which 341 people were shot.
Employees of the NKVD of Estonia: in the center - Kimm, on the left - Jacobson, on the right - Riis.
One of the NKVD transport documents about the deportation of 1941, for 200 people.
Memorial plaque on the building of the Estonian government - the highest officials of the Estonian state who died during the occupation.
July 21-22 marks the next 72nd anniversary of the formation of the Latvian, Lithuanian and Estonian SSR. And the fact of this kind of education, as is known, causes a huge amount of controversy. Since the moment Vilnius, Riga and Tallinn became the capitals of independent states in the early 90s, debates have not ceased on the territory of these same states about what actually happened in the Baltic states in 1939-40: peaceful and voluntary entry part of the USSR, or was it still Soviet aggression, which resulted in a 50-year occupation.
Riga. The Soviet Army enters Latvia
Words that the Soviet authorities reached an agreement with the authorities in 1939 fascist Germany(Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact) that the Baltic states should become Soviet territory have been discussed in the Baltic states for several years now and often allow certain forces to celebrate their victory in the elections. The Soviet “occupation” theme seems to have been worn out to nothing, however, turning to historical documents, one can understand that the theme of occupation is a big soap bubble, which is brought to enormous proportions by certain forces. But, as you know, any, even the most beautiful soap bubble, will sooner or later burst, spraying the person blowing it with small cold drops.
So, Baltic political scientists who adhere to the view that the annexation of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia to the USSR in 1940 is considered an occupation, declare that if it were not for the Soviet troops that entered the Baltic states, then these states would have remained not only independent, but also declared their neutrality. It is difficult to call such an opinion anything other than a deep misconception. Neither Lithuania, nor Latvia, nor Estonia simply could afford to declare neutrality during the Second World War as, for example, Switzerland did, because the Baltic states clearly did not have the financial instruments that Swiss banks possessed. Moreover, the economic indicators of the Baltic states in 1938-1939 show that their authorities had no opportunity to dispose of their sovereignty as they pleased. Let's give a few examples.
Welcoming Soviet ships in Riga
Volume industrial production Latvia in 1938 was no more than 56.5% of the production volume in 1913, when Latvia was part of Russian Empire. The percentage of the illiterate population of the Baltic states by 1940 is shocking. This percentage was about 31% of the population. More than 30% of children aged 6-11 did not attend school, but instead were forced to work in agricultural work in order to participate, so to speak, in the economic support of the family. During the period from 1930 to 1940, more than 4,700 buildings were closed in Latvia alone. peasant farms due to the colossal debts into which their “independent” owners were driven. Another eloquent figure for the “development” of the Baltic states during the period of independence (1918-1940) is the number of workers employed in the construction of factories and, as they would now say, housing stock. This number by 1930 in Latvia amounted to 815 people... Dozens appear before your eyes multi-storey buildings and rows of factories and factories stretching beyond the horizon, which were erected by these tireless 815 builders...
And given such and such economic indicators of the Baltic states by 1940, someone sincerely believes that these countries could dictate their terms to Nazi Germany, declaring that it would leave them alone because of their declared neutrality.
If we consider the aspect that Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia were going to remain independent after July 1940, then we can cite data from a document that is not uninteresting for supporters of the “Soviet occupation” idea. July 16, 1941 Adolf Hitler holds a meeting about the future of the three Baltic republics. As a result, a decision was made: instead of 3 independent states (which Baltic nationalists are trying to trumpet today), to create a territorial entity that is part of Nazi Germany, called Ostland. Riga was chosen as the administrative center of this entity. At the same time, a document was approved on the official language of the Ostland - German (this refers to the question that the German “liberators” would allow the three republics to develop along the path of independence and authenticity). Higher education institutions were to be closed on the territory of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. educational institutions, but only vocational schools were allowed to remain. German policy towards the population of Ostland is described in an eloquent memorandum of the Minister eastern territories Third Reich. This memorandum, noteworthy, was adopted on April 2, 1941 - before the creation of Ostland itself. The memorandum contains words that the majority of the population of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia is not suitable for Germanization, and therefore must be resettled in Eastern Siberia. In June 1943, when Hitler still harbored illusions about the successful completion of the war against the Soviet Union, a directive was adopted that the Ostland lands would become the fiefdoms of those military personnel who had especially distinguished themselves on the Eastern Front. At the same time, the owners of these lands from among the Lithuanians, Latvians and Estonians should either be resettled to other areas or used as cheap labor for their new masters. A principle that was used back in the Middle Ages, when knights received lands in conquered territories along with the former owners of these lands.
After reading such documents, one can only guess where the current Baltic ultra-rightists got the idea that Hitler's Germany would give their countries independence.
The next argument of supporters of the idea of “Soviet occupation” of the Baltic states is that, they say, the entry of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia into the Soviet Union set these countries back several decades in their socio-economic development. And it’s difficult to call these words anything other than a delusion. During the period from 1940 to 1960, more than two dozen large industrial enterprises were built in Latvia alone, which has never happened here in its entire history. By 1965, industrial production volumes on average in the Baltic republics had increased more than 15 times compared to the 1939 level. According to Western economic studies, the level of Soviet investment in Latvia by the early 1980s amounted to about 35 billion US dollars. If we translate all this into the language of percentages, it turns out that direct investments from Moscow amounted to almost 900% of the amount of goods produced by Latvia itself for the needs of both its domestic economy and the needs of the union economy. This is how occupation is, when the “occupiers” themselves hand out huge amounts of money to those they “occupy.” Perhaps, many countries could only dream of such an occupation even today. Greece would love for Mrs. Merkel, with her billions of dollars in investments, to “occupy” it, as they say, until the second coming of the Savior to Earth.
The Seimas of Latvia welcomes the demonstrators
Another “occupation” argument: referendums on the accession of the Baltic states to the USSR were held illegitimately. They say that the communists specifically put forward only their lists, and the people of the Baltic states voted for them almost unanimously under pressure. However, if this is so, then it becomes completely incomprehensible why tens of thousands of people on the streets of the Baltic cities joyfully greeted the news that their republics were becoming part of the Soviet Union. The wild joy of Estonian parliamentarians when, in July 1940, they learned that Estonia had become the new Soviet Republic is completely incomprehensible. And if the Baltic states really did not want to come under Moscow’s protectorate, then it is also unclear why the authorities of the three countries did not follow the Finnish example and showed Moscow the real Baltic fig.
In general, the epic with the “Soviet occupation” of the Baltic states, which interested parties continue to write, is very similar to one of the sections of the book called “Untrue Tales of the Peoples of the World.”
In June 1940, events began that were previously called “the voluntary entry of the Baltic peoples into the USSR”, and since the late 1980s they have increasingly been called the “Soviet occupation of the Baltic countries.” During the years of Gorbachev’s “perestroika”, a new historical scheme began to be introduced. According to it, the Soviet Union occupied and forcibly annexed three independent democratic Baltic republics.
Meanwhile, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia by the summer of 1940 were by no means democratic. And for a long time. As for their independence, it has been rather elusive since its announcement in 1918.
1. The myth of democracy in the interwar Baltic states
At first, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia were parliamentary republics. But not for long. Internal processes, first of all, the growing influence of left-wing forces that sought to “do it like in Soviet Russia,” led to a reciprocal consolidation of the right. However, this short period of parliamentary democracy was also marked by repressive policies at the top. Thus, after an unsuccessful uprising staged by the communists in Estonia in 1924, more than 400 people were executed there. For small Estonia this is a significant figure.
On December 17, 1926, in Lithuania, the parties of nationalists and Christian Democrats, relying on groups of officers loyal to them, carried out a coup d'etat. The putschists were inspired by the example of neighboring Poland, where the founder of the state, Josef Pilsudski, had established his sole power earlier that year. The Lithuanian Seimas was dissolved. The head of state was Antanas Smetona, the leader of the nationalists, former first President of Lithuania. In 1928, he was officially proclaimed “leader of the nation,” and unlimited powers were concentrated in his hands. In 1936, all parties in Lithuania, except the Nationalist Party, were banned.
In Latvia and Estonia, right-wing authoritarian regimes were established somewhat later. On March 12, 1934, the state elder - the head of the executive branch of Estonia - Konstantin Päts (the first prime minister of independent Estonia) canceled the parliamentary re-elections. In Estonia, the coup was caused not so much by the left as by the far right. Päts banned the pro-Nazi veterans organization (Waps), which he believed threatened his power, and carried out mass arrests of its members. At the same time, he began to implement many elements of the “vaps” program in his policies. Having received parliamentary approval for his actions, Päts dissolved it in October of the same year.
The Estonian parliament has not met for four years. All this time, the republic was ruled by a junta consisting of Päts, Commander-in-Chief J. Laidoner and the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs K. Eerenpalu. All political parties in March 1935 were banned, except for the pro-government “Union of the Fatherland”. The Constitutional Assembly, which had no alternative elections, adopted a new constitution for Estonia in 1937, which granted extensive powers to the president. In accordance with it, a one-party parliament and President Päts were elected in 1938.
One of the “innovations” of “democratic” Estonia was “camps for idlers,” as the unemployed were called. A 12-hour working day was established for them, and those who were guilty were beaten with rods.
On May 15, 1934, Latvian Prime Minister Kārlis Ulmanis carried out a coup d'etat, abolished the constitution and dissolved the Seimas. President Kviesis was given the opportunity to serve until the end of his term (in 1936) - in fact, he no longer decided anything. Ulmanis, who was the first prime minister of independent Latvia, was proclaimed “the leader and father of the nation.” More than 2,000 oppositionists were arrested (although almost all of them were soon released - the Ulmanis regime turned out to be “soft” compared to its neighbors). All political parties were banned.
In the right-wing authoritarian regimes of the Baltic states, some differences can be identified. So, if Smetona and Päts largely relied on a single authorized party, then Ulmanis relied on a formally non-party state apparatus plus a developed civil militia (aiszargov). But they had more in common, to the point that all three dictators were people who were at the head of these republics at the very dawn of their existence.
A striking characteristic of the “democratic” nature of the bourgeois Baltic states can be seen in the elections to the Estonian parliament in 1938. They were attended by candidates from the only party - the Fatherland Union. At the same time, local election commissions were given instructions from the Minister of Internal Affairs: “People who are known to be able to vote against the national assembly should not be allowed to vote... They should be immediately brought into the hands of the police.” This ensured “unanimous” voting for candidates of a single party. But despite this, in 50 out of 80 districts they decided not to hold elections at all, but simply to announce the election of only candidates to parliament.
Thus, long before 1940, the last signs of democratic freedoms were eliminated throughout the Baltic states and a totalitarian state system was established.
The Soviet Union had only to produce technical replacement fascist dictators, their pocket parties and political police on the mechanism of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) and the NKVD.
2. The myth of the independence of the Baltic countries
The independence of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia was proclaimed in 1917-1918. in a difficult environment. Most their territory was occupied German troops. Kaiser Germany had its own plans for Lithuania and the Baltic region (Latvia and Estonia). From the Lithuanian Tariba (national Council), the German administration forced an “act” of calling the Württemberg prince to the Lithuanian royal throne. In the rest of the Baltics, a Baltic Duchy was proclaimed, headed by a member of the Ducal House of Mecklenburg.
In 1918-1920 The Baltic states, with the help of first Germany and then England, became a springboard for the deployment of internal Russian forces. civil war. Therefore, the leadership of Soviet Russia took all measures to neutralize them. After the defeat of the White Guard army of Yudenich and other similar formations in the north-west of Russia, the RSFSR hastened to recognize the independence of Latvia and Estonia and in 1920 signed interstate treaties with these republics, guaranteeing the inviolability of their borders. At that time, the RSFSR even concluded a military alliance with Lithuania against Poland. Thus, thanks to the support of Soviet Russia, the Baltic countries defended their formal independence in those years.
With actual independence, the situation was much worse. The agricultural and raw materials component of the Baltic economy forced us to look for importers of Baltic products agriculture and fisheries in the West. But the West had little need for Baltic fish, and therefore the three republics became increasingly mired in the quagmire of subsistence farming. The consequence of economic backwardness was the politically dependent position of the Baltic states.
Initially, the Baltic countries were oriented towards England and France, but after the Nazis came to power in Germany, the ruling Baltic cliques began to move closer to the strengthening Germany. The culmination of everything was the mutual assistance agreements concluded by all three Baltic states with the Third Reich in the mid-1930s (“Score of the Second World War.” M.: “Veche”, 2009). Under these treaties, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania were obliged to seek help from Germany if their borders were threatened. The latter had in this case the right to send troops into the territory of the Baltic republics. Likewise, Germany could “legally” occupy these countries if a “threat” to the Reich arose from their territory. Thus, the “voluntary” entry of the Baltic states into the sphere of interests and influence of Germany was formalized.
This circumstance was taken into account by the leadership of the USSR in the events of 1938-1939. A conflict between the USSR and Germany under these conditions would have entailed the immediate occupation of the Baltic states by the Wehrmacht. Therefore, during the negotiations on August 22-23, 1939 in Moscow, the issue of the Baltic states was one of the most important. It was important for the Soviet Union to protect itself from any surprises on this side. The two powers agreed to draw the border of their spheres of influence so that Estonia and Latvia fell into the Soviet sphere, Lithuania into the German sphere.
The consequence of the agreement was the approval by the leadership of Lithuania on September 20, 1939 of a draft agreement with Germany, according to which Lithuania was “voluntarily” transferred to the protectorate of the Third Reich. However, already on September 28, the USSR and Germany agreed to change the boundaries of their spheres of influence. In exchange for the strip of Poland between the Vistula and the Bug, the USSR received Lithuania.
In the fall of 1939, the Baltic countries had an alternative - to find themselves under Soviet or German protectorate. History did not provide them with anything third at that moment.
3. The myth of the occupation
The period of establishment of independence of the Baltic countries was 1918-1920. - was marked in them by the civil war. A fairly significant part of the Baltic population took up arms in favor of the establishment of Soviet power. At one time (in the winter of 1918/19), the Lithuanian-Belarusian and Latvian Soviet socialist republics and the Estonian “labor commune” were proclaimed. The Red Army, which included national Bolshevik Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian units, occupied most of the territories of these republics for some time, including the cities of Riga and Vilnius.
The support of anti-Soviet forces by the interventionists and the inability of Soviet Russia to provide sufficient assistance to its supporters in the Baltic states led to the retreat of the Red Army from the region. Red Latvians, Estonians and Lithuanians found themselves, by the will of fate, deprived of their homeland and scattered throughout Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Thus, in the 1920-30s, that part of the Baltic peoples who most actively advocated for Soviet power found themselves in forced emigration. This circumstance could not but affect the mood in the Baltic states, deprived of the “passionate” part of its population.
Due to the fact that the course of the civil war in the Baltic states was determined not so much by internal processes as by changes in the balance of external forces, it is absolutely impossible to establish exactly who was there in 1918-1920. there were more supporters of Soviet power or supporters of bourgeois statehood.
Soviet historiography attached great importance to the growth of protest sentiments in the Baltic states at the end of 1939 - the first half of the 1940s. They were interpreted as the maturation of socialist revolutions in these republics. It was understood that the local underground communist parties were at the head of the workers' actions. Nowadays, many historians, especially Baltic ones, tend to deny facts of this kind. It is believed that protests against dictatorial regimes were isolated, and dissatisfaction with them did not automatically mean sympathy for the Soviet Union and the communists.
However, given the previous history of the Baltic states, the active role of the working class of this region in the Russian revolutions of the early twentieth century, and widespread dissatisfaction with dictatorial regimes, it should be recognized that the Soviet Union had a strong “fifth column” there. And it clearly consisted not only of communists and sympathizers. The important thing was that the only real alternative to joining the USSR at that time, as we saw, was joining the German Reich. During the civil war, the hatred of Estonians and Latvians towards their centuries-old oppressors - the German landowners - became quite clearly evident. Thanks to the Soviet Union, Lithuania returned its ancient capital, Vilnius, in the fall of 1939.
So, sympathy for the USSR among a significant part of the Baltic states at that time was determined not only and not so much by left-wing political views.
On June 14, 1940, the USSR presented an ultimatum to Lithuania, demanding a change of government to one consisting of individuals more loyal to the Soviet Union and permission to send additional contingents of Soviet troops to Lithuania, stationed there under the mutual assistance agreement concluded in the fall of 1939. Smetona insisted on resistance, but the entire cabinet of ministers opposed. Smetona was forced to flee to Germany (from where he soon moved to the United States), and the Lithuanian government accepted Soviet conditions. On June 15, additional Red Army contingents entered Lithuania.
The presentation of similar ultimatums to Latvia and Estonia on June 16, 1940 did not meet with objections from the dictators there. Initially, Ulmanis and Päts formally remained in power and sanctioned measures to create new authorities in these republics. On June 17, 1940, additional Soviet troops entered Estonia and Latvia.
In all three republics, governments were formed from people friendly to the USSR, but not communists. All this was carried out in compliance with the formal requirements of the current constitutions. Then parliamentary elections took place. The decrees on new appointments and elections bore the signatures of the Prime Minister of Lithuania and the presidents of Latvia and Estonia. Thus, the change of power took place in compliance with all procedures required by the laws of independent Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. From a formal legal point of view, all the acts that preceded the entry of these republics into the USSR are impeccable.
The elections to the Seimas of these republics, held on July 14, 1940, gave legitimacy to the accession of the Baltic states to the USSR. Only one list of candidates was registered for the elections - from the “Union of Working People” (in Estonia - “Bloc of Working People”). This was also fully consistent with the legislation of these countries during the period of independence, which did not provide for alternative elections. According to official data, voter turnout ranged from 84 to 95%, with 92 to 99% voting for candidates from the single list (in different republics).
We are deprived of the opportunity to know how it would develop political process in the Baltic countries after the overthrow of dictatorships, if left to its own devices. In that geopolitical situation it was a utopia. However, there is no reason to believe that the summer of 1940 meant the replacement of democracy by totalitarianism for the Baltic states. There has been no democracy there for a long time. In the worst case scenario, for the Baltics, one authoritarianism has simply given way to another.
But at the same time, the threat of destroying the statehood of the three Baltic republics was averted. What would have happened to it if the Baltic states had fallen under the control of the German Reich was demonstrated in 1941-1944.
In the Nazi plans, the Balts were subject to partial assimilation by the Germans and partial eviction to lands cleared of Russians. There was no talk of any Lithuanian, Latvian or Estonian statehood.
Under the conditions of the Soviet Union, the Balts retained their statehood, their languages as official, developed and enriched their national culture.
