Foreign policy of the USSR on the eve of the Great Patriotic War. USSR on the eve of the Great Patriotic War: foreign and domestic policy, factors of defense capability, international situation, expansion of borders, economy
Send your good work in the knowledge base is simple. Use the form below
Students, graduate students, young scientists who use the knowledge base in their studies and work will be very grateful to you.
Posted on http://www.allbest.ru/
MINISTRY OF EDUCATION AND SCIENCE OF THE RF
FEDERAL STATE BUDGET EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTION
HIGHER PROFESSIONAL EDUCATION
"SAINT PETERSBURG STATE UNIVERSITY OF TECHNOLOGY AND DESIGN"
Department of Philosophy and History
TEST
in the discipline HISTORY
Subject: Foreign policy USSR on the eve of World War II
Completed by: Belousova A.I.
St. Petersburg 2013
Introduction
Non-Aggression Pact and Soviet-German Treaty “On Friendship and Border”
Conclusion
Soviet-Finnish (“Winter”) War
Conclusion
Bibliography
Introduction
In January 1920, the Entente lifted the blockade of Soviet Russia. This meant the end of the war and de facto recognition of political reality. Former Russia The Bolsheviks were in complete control, they defended its unity (with the loss of Poland, the Baltic states and some other territories), and the world community had to come to terms with this fact. That same year, a series of peace treaties followed with the newly formed neighboring states: Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Poland. The most important thing for Soviet Russia, excluded from the ranks of the victors in the world war for the separate Brest-Litovsk Treaty, were relations with Germany, defeated and humiliated in 1918 at Versailles. In 1922, a conference was convened in Genoa to consider the situation with debts Tsarist Russia. Soviet diplomats who arrived there - People's Commissar for foreign affairs G.V. Chicherin, M.M. Litvinov, L.B. Krasin - without blinking an eye, they refused to pay old Russian debts to both states and individuals and even demanded compensation for damage caused during the intervention and to provide the Soviets with preferential loans. The conference failed. But Chicherin and his comrades did not spend their time in Italy in vain. They found mutual language with Germany. Not far from Genoa, in the town of Rapallo, a Soviet-German treaty on mutual diplomatic recognition was concluded. Since then, intensive Soviet-German trade and military cooperation began. Thousands of Soviet specialists could be seen at military factories in Germany. The Germans (bypassing the Treaty of Versailles) trained their pilots in Russia, in a special training center near Lipetsk, the aircraft for which the Junkers company assembled near Moscow. There (as well as in Kazan), German tank builders built and tested tanks - the predecessors of the famous “tigers”. Near Saratov, German engineers, together with the Russians, designed and tested those types of weapons that Germany was prohibited from having under the Treaty of Versailles ( chemical weapon, some types of artillery). Soviet commanders studied in Berlin, at the General Staff Academy, and at the infantry school in Dresden. In short, throughout the 1920s and early 1930s. Germany was the closest trade and military partner of the USSR. It is no coincidence that until 1941 in the Red Army, the language of the “probable enemy” was considered not German, but Polish. Only with Hitler coming to power did Soviet-German cooperation begin to wind down.(1)
Foreign policy. Main events
soviet war germany pact
Since the late 1920s, the world situation and the foreign policy of the USSR have been largely influenced by world affairs? economic? crisis, acquired? most pronounced? character in 1929-1933 This led to a significant reduction industrial production in developed capitalist countries: in the USA - by 46%, in Germany - 40%, in France - 31%, in England - 16%. The beginning of the crisis was regarded in the USSR, and especially in the Comintern, as a harbinger of a new stage of the long-awaited? world? proletarian? revolution. However, capitalism is next? once demonstrated its strength: the crisis was overcome. Largely due to increased government intervention in the economic and social life and the transfer of resources from colonial and dependent countries. Overcoming the crisis due to its peculiarity? different countries wore liberal-reformist? (characteristic of the USA, England), social reformist? (Scandinavian countries, at first France) and totalitarian? (Germany, Italy, Japan) character.
Soviet? Union that has begun? to modernize yours? economy in a hostile environment, was actually forced to fight for survival. In the most distinct? form, such a strategy was expressed by J.V. Stalin in February 1931 at the first All-Union? conference of socialist workers? industry: “We are 50-100 years behind advanced countries. We must make good this distance in ten years. Either we do this or we will be crushed.” Foreign policy for the forced period? Modernization of the country was aimed at ensuring security for the reconstruction of the country's national economy and the creation of reliable Armed Forces capable of protecting the country from external attacks. threats.
According to the country's Constitution, the highest powers in the field of foreign relations? possessed the Supreme? USSR Council. General management of relations was entrusted to the government. In reality, they were directly in charge of external affairs? politicians? Politburo and its head. Day-to-day foreign policy activities were carried out by the People's Commissariat (Ministry) of Foreign Affairs (heads: G.V. Chicherin, 1923-1930; M.M. Litvinov, 1930-1939; V.M. Molotov, 1939-1949), foreign economic affairs - the people's commissariats in charge of foreign affairs? trade?.
At the beginning of 1? five-year plan, the USSR's foreign policy had to be conducted in the context of increasing interventionist sentiment? in imperialist countries. Striving for peaceful coexistence of states with different socio-political systems, Soviet? The Union joined the “Briand-Kellogg Pact” signed in Paris by nine powers in August 1928 (the initiators were the French Foreign Minister and the US Secretary of State) on the renunciation of war as a means of foreign policy. politics and was the first to put it into effect. In October 1929, it was possible to restore diplomatic relations between the USSR and Great Britain, severed in 1927.
In the same 1929, the Soviet country for the first time after the end of the Civil War? the war was subjected to serious military? provocations. On July 10, detachments of Manchu troops and White Guards destroyed the Soviet consulate in Harbin; captured Eastern China railway, which has been under joint Soviet-Chinese management since 1924; arrested the Soviet administration of the road (more than 200 people). At the same time, Manchu troops began shelling Soviet border outposts and populated areas. Attempts by the Soviet government to resolve the conflict by peaceful means were thwarted, and on August 16 it broke off diplomatic relations with China. A Special Far Eastern Army was created under the command of V.K. Blucher (18.5 thousand fighters and commanders), which in October - November 1929 expelled the interventionists from the Soviet regions of Primorye and Transbaikalia. On December 22, 1929, a Soviet-Chinese agreement was signed, according to which the previous situation on the CER was restored. However, a full-scale restoration of diplomatic relations? between the two countries happened only in 1932.
In 1931, a new danger arose in the Far East. Japan, having captured Manchuria, began to turn it into a military one? a springboard for an attack on the USSR. Intensive preparations for Kwantung have begun? armies for the future? voi?not. Japan refused to sign the proposals? USSR non-aggression act. In 1935 Soviet? The Union was forced to sell the Chinese Eastern Railway to the authorities of Manchukuo - Manchurian? empire created? Japan? in the northeastern provinces? China (existed from March 1932 to August 1945). He was also faced with the need to overcome the economic blockade by the Western powers.
In 1930, Washington and London accused the USSR of exporting to the world? market of goods at dumping prices and achieved the introduction of bans on Soviet? export. In May 1930, the French government came up with a plan to create a bloc of European states called “PanEurope”, directed against the Soviet Union. The US government pursued a hostile policy towards the USSR. It stubbornly refused to recognize him.
The Soviet government responded to these measures by transferring foreign trade transactions to countries that refrained from such actions? During the crisis, many capitalist firms, despite the embargo, sold machine tools and equipment to the Soviet Union. The USA managed to purchase up to 50% of the total export of tractors from this? countries, in Germany - about 25% of agricultural machinery, in England - more than 10% of textile equipment, in Poland - almost all of its castings. Thus, Soviet orders even helped the economies of these countries emerge from the crisis. Is that why Western business circles were interested in normalizing relations? from the USSR. As a result, France lifted its ban on Soviet exports, and Germany and Italy provided loans to the Soviet Union.
In 1932, the international position of the USSR strengthened significantly. After lengthy negotiations, non-aggression treaties were signed with Latvia, Estonia, Finland, France and France. and Poland?. In the same year, the Soviet delegation spoke at the International? conference in Geneva with a proposal for general and complete disarmament.
In 1933, in the context of growing military threats in Europe (after the Nazis came to power in Germany) and Asia (in connection with Japan’s aggression against China), the USSR became a party to the Convention on the Determination of the Aggressor and took the initiative? creating a collective system? security in Europe and Asia. In August 1933, he signed acts defining the aggressor with Lithuania, Iran, Latvia, Poland, Romania, Turkey, Czechoslovakia, Estonia, Yugoslavia. and Afghanistan. In 1934, Finland joined the convention. In September 1933, a treaty of non-aggression and neutrality was concluded between the USSR and Italy. Our positions? The countries were also strengthened with the recognition of the existence of the Soviet Union by the US government. Diplomatic relations between the USSR and the USA were established on November 16, 1933.
On December 20, 1933, an important meeting of the Politburo of the Central Committee took place, which considered the developments? People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs plan to create a collective system? security. Approval of a new foreign policy course to launch a “struggle for collective security against aggressors”, conclusion of a “regional agreement on mutual assistance” large number European states”, the possibility of the USSR joining the League of Nations? meant abandoning the bankrupt tactics of “inciting world war?” revolution" and focusing on the struggle to maintain peace on the European continent.
On September 18, 1934, the USSR was admitted to the League of Nations?. By the mid-1930s, it had established diplomatic relations with most countries in the world. Alone? one of his initiatives was a proposal to conclude an “Eastern Pact”, which, in addition to the USSR, would include Poland, Czechoslovakia, Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and Germany. The pact provided for the provision of military assistance to any participant who was subjected to aggression, no matter who the aggressor was, and was aimed at creating an obstacle to the outbreak of war, primarily on the part of Germany. At the same time, it was proposed to conclude a Pacific agreement? pact with the participation of the USSR, USA, England, Holland and Japan. The proposals were not accepted. In September 1934, Germany rejected its participation in the pact. Poland supported her. However, the Soviet Union managed to conclude mutual assistance pacts in the event of aggression with France in May 1935. and Czechoslovakia?. Then both of these countries entered into an agreement on mutual assistance between themselves?
In the USSR, rhetoric about world peace was sharply reduced? revolution. VII Congress of the Comintern, working? in Moscow in July-August 1935, proclaimed a course towards the creation of a united anti-fascist popular front. Meanwhile, the situation on the European continent continued to deteriorate. In 1935, Nazi Germany tore up Versailles with a unilateral act? peaceful? Treaty of 1919, introducing universal conscription in March and announcing the creation of a military? aviation. In June 1935, Great Britain and Germany entered into a naval agreement that allowed Germany, contrary to the Treaty of Versailles, to have naval forces? fleet to one? a third of the surface vessels and almost half of the submarine vessels of the level of the British fleet. On October 3, 1935, Italy attacked Abyssinia (Ethiopia) and occupied it in early May next year. On May 9, 1936, the creation of the Italian Empire was proclaimed in Rome. empires. Of the major powers, only the USSR did not have? diplomatic relations? from Abyssinia?, came out decisively in her defense. However, the Western powers blocked Soviet proposals to fight the aggressor.
1936 brought a new aggravation of international situation. March 7 Hitler's Germany refused the Locarno agreement? 1925, according to which it undertook to comply with the provisions of the Versailles Peace Treaty regarding the demilitarization of the Rein? areas. German troops were introduced into the territory of the region and reached the borders of France. The latter did not take advantage of the right under the Treaty of Versailles to force Germany to withdraw its troops. In September 1936, a Nazi congress was held in Nuremberg. party, at which a four-year plan for preparing Germany for the Great Patriotic War was announced? the war is not for “living space” for the Germans. On January 30, 1937, Hitler announced in the Reichstag that “Germany is withdrawing its signature from the Treaty of Versailles.” After this? declaration, a new war in Europe was becoming inevitable.
On October 25, 1936, inspired by impunity, the aggressors formalized the Berlin Agreement between Germany and Italy under the name “Berlin-Rome Axis.” Did it acknowledge the capture of Italy? Ethiopia, was a general line of conduct regarding the event established? in Spain, an agreement was recorded on the delimitation of spheres of “economic penetration” in the Balkans and in the Danube River basin. The formation of the “axis” marked the beginning of the formation of a bloc of fascist aggressors who were preparing the Second World War.
Is this a continuation? politics became the signing of Germany on November 25, 1936? and Japan? "Anti-Comintern Pact". The participants in this agreement were obliged to inform each other about the activities of the revolutionary? proletarian? organization and fight against it. Other states were encouraged to "take defensive measures" in the spirit of the agreement or to join the pact. The pact was aimed against the USSR, where the headquarters of the Comintern was located. In 1937, Fascist Italy joined the pact. The hatred that many people around the world felt for the Comintern explains why the fascist states of the 1930s were often seen as a “bulwark against Bolshevism.”
In an effort to correspond to such ideas, fascist Germany together with Italy? since 1936 participated in the intervention against the republican? Spain. In February 1936, to power in this? As a result of the elections, the country received the government of the Popular Front, created on the initiative of the Communist Party. In July of the same year, military-fascist violence broke out in the country. rebellion headed by? General Francisco Franco, who? relied on the "Spanish Phalanx" (right political party Spain, founded in 1933) and most army (up to 100 thousand people). The rebels were openly supported by the fascist powers. League of Nations? rejected the republican government's demand for collective action? against aggressors. Military equipment, weapons, as well as officers and military instructors were sent from Germany and Italy to help the rebels. When this was not enough, regular troops began to arrive: from Germany - more than 50 thousand (Condor Legion), from Italy - about 200 thousand. Legal? basics? the appearance of these, only formally volunteer, interventionist troops was recognized on November 18, 1937 by Germany? and Italy? Franco's regime.
In the unfolding civil war Communists and socialists of many countries provided military assistance to the Spanish Republicans. Soviet? The Union, responding to the request of the legitimate Spanish government, supplied the Republicans with weapons and military equipment (airplanes, tanks, armored vehicles, torpedo boats, artillery guns, machine guns, rifles, cartridges, shells, aerial bombs). About 3 thousand Soviet volunteers (military advisers, pilots, tank crews, sailors and other specialists) fought against the Phalangists in the ranks of international brigades, which included more than 50 thousand people from 64 countries. The main military advisers in Spain? the republic were Y. K. Berzin, G. M. Stern, K. M. Kachanov.
England, France and other Western powers pursued a policy of “non-interference” in the national revolutionary war. Since September 1936, the International International has been operating in London. Committee for Non-Interference in Spanish Affairs, consisting of? from the representatives? 27 European countries. However, as it soon turned out, he actually began to serve as a screen? to cover the German-Italian? interventions in Spain. Soviet? representative on the committee I.M. Mai?skii? fought to stop aid to the rebels from Germany, Italy, Portugal, which was provided with the complicity of England, France and the actual connivance of the United States. In October 1936, the USSR government stated that since the non-intervention agreement had “ceased to actually exist”, it considered it necessary to “return to the Spanish government the rights and ability to purchase weapons outside Spain.” Thanks to the efforts of the Soviet Union, in September 1937 it was possible to conclude an agreement on measures to combat pirate activities of submarines of the fascist powers.
However, the policy of aiding aggression did not make it possible to make the Committee on Non-Intervention an effective political instrument. This largely predetermined the fall of the Republican Party? Spain.
Strengthening its position in the Far East, the USSR in March 1936 concluded a mutual assistance agreement with the Mongolian? People? Republic?. This was a warning to the Japanese militarists. However, continuing its expansion in the Far East, Japan attacked China on July 7, 1937? The reason was a night skirmish between the so-called? Japanese? Garrison? army deployed? along the railway? Beijing-Tianjin and Rotoi roads? Kuomintang troops guarding the ancient? marble? Lugouqiao Bridge in the vicinity of Beijing. The Chinese repelled the attack, killing several Japanese. The provoked clash served as a pretext for the Japanese to occupy the northern regions of the country, capturing Shanghai, Beijing and other important centers. Under these Soviet conditions? The Union, having signed a non-aggression pact with China on August 21, 1937, provided it with large? loan on preferential terms, supplied aircraft, weapons, fuel.
Thus, by the end of 1937, the USSR's efforts to organize a collective system? security have not achieved their goals?. It was also not possible to use the opportunity to create a broad popular front for joint action? struggle against fascism and war. The "incident" at Lugouqiao Bridge that became? prologue open? Japan's aggression against China, in fact, as it is considered in China? traditions, marked the beginning of the Second? world? voi?not.(2)
Non-Aggression Pact and Soviet-German Treaty “On Friendship and Border”
Considering the foreign policy of the USSR in the 30s. twentieth century, the greatest attention must be paid to the development of diplomatic relations with Germany, which is justified primarily with the emergence in historical science of opinions about the preventive nature of the war of 1941-1945. from Germany.
Almost simultaneously with the start of negotiations with England and France, in the spring of 1939, Soviet diplomats began cautiously probing German positions regarding a possible rapprochement. This met with a favorable attitude from Berlin, which realized that it had exhausted all possibilities of concessions from the West and decided to continue to undermine the international security system with the help of the East. Germany was particularly active in further improving relations with the USSR. On August 19, 1939, the Soviet Union was granted a long-term loan of 200 million marks at a symbolic interest. The German government expressed its readiness to delimit the spheres of interests of Germany and the USSR in Eastern Europe, and also guaranteed the cessation of military actions against the Soviet Union by Japan. At the same time, Germany and the USSR continued to maintain close economic ties. From August 1939 to June 1941 Soviet Union placed large orders in Germany for production and delivery military equipment machine tools and industrial equipment. In turn, Germany ordered agricultural products, timber, petroleum products, industrial raw materials and non-ferrous metals from the USSR.
During secret preliminary negotiations between Germany and the Soviet Union, agreements were reached that led to the signing in Moscow on August 23, 1939 by German Foreign Minister Ribbentrop and People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR V.M. Molotov non-aggression pact, a non-aggression treaty for a period of 10 years. The treaty contained secret articles that delimited the “spheres of interest” of Germany and the USSR in Eastern Europe. According to these articles, most of Poland was recognized as a German sphere of influence, and the Baltic states, Estonia, Latvia, Finland, Lithuania fell into this sphere after Ribbentrop's next visit to Moscow on September 28, 1939, Eastern Poland, Finland, Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina (part of Romania ) - sphere of interests of the USSR. Western Ukraine and Western Belarus, which were part of Poland under the Riga Peace Treaty of 1920, were supposed to pass to the USSR after the German military invasion of Poland.
The contracting parties agreed on non-interference in the event of a conflict between one of them and a “third power”. The conclusion of the Soviet-German Pact led to the cessation of all diplomatic contacts between England, France and the USSR, and the recall of the British and French military delegations from Moscow.
The treaty had far-reaching consequences for the fate of all of Europe and the world. Undoubtedly, he accelerated the start of the Second World War, as he provided Hitler with freedom of action in Poland and even moral support for the USSR. With the help of Germany, the Soviet Union hoped to return the territories taken from it under the Treaty of Riga (March 1921). Thus, by signing this agreement, the Soviet side sought not only to protect itself in case of war, but also to expand its territory.
So when German troops captured Warsaw and crossed the line specified in the secret protocol (along the Narew, Vistula and San rivers), on September 17 the Red Army entered the territory of Western Ukraine and Western Belarus. She was given the order to “cross the border and take under her protection the lives and property of the population of Western Ukraine and Western Belarus.” It was ordered to be loyal to Polish military personnel and government officials if they did not offer armed resistance. Aviation was prohibited from bombing populated areas. The Red Army did not encounter serious resistance here, since the main military forces of Poland were defeated by Hitler in the first days of September. The Polish command gave the order “not to engage in battles with the Soviets, to continue fighting with the Germans,” so many units and formations surrendered. The further fate of most of them was tragic. The Soviet authorities interned a significant part of the military personnel, and deported the civilian population to the eastern regions of the USSR (Siberia, Kazakhstan). By decision of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, adopted on March 5, 1940, 21,857 officers and other arrested Poles were shot in Katyn without trial.
The campaign lasted 12 days. During this time, units of the Red Army advanced 250 - 350 km westward, annexing territories with a population of about 12 million people. We can talk about the restoration of historical justice, since these were primordially Russian lands, for which the Polish gentry had to fight for centuries. The local population generally warmly welcomed the Soviet troops, seeing them as liberators from the Polish genocide. But Ukrainian nationalists, led by S. Bandera, began to put up fierce resistance. In October 1939, elections to the people's assemblies were held here. These authorities immediately proclaimed Soviet power and turned to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR with a request to accept Western Ukraine and Western Belarus into the Soviet Union.
On September 28, in Moscow, representatives of the USSR and Germany signed an agreement “On Friendship and Borders”. Secret protocols and maps were attached to the agreement, according to which 48.6% of the territory of the former Poland passed to Germany, and 51.4% to the USSR. According to the agreement, the western border of the Soviet Union now ran along the so-called Curzon Line, which at one time was recognized by England, France, the USA and Poland. But if the non-aggression pact (August 23, 1939) can be justified by specific circumstances, then the signing of this treaty was actually a conspiracy with the aggressor and did not reflect the will of the Soviet people. Having received freedom of action in the Baltic states, the Stalinist leadership attempted to Sovietize it, both through diplomatic and military measures. The governments of these countries were asked to conclude mutual assistance pacts, which were signed on September 28 with Estonia, on October 5 with Latvia and on October 10 with Lithuania. As a result, the Soviet Union received the right to station its troops in the Baltic republics and create naval and air force bases on their territories. The parties pledged to provide each other with all kinds of assistance, including military assistance, in the event of an attack or threat thereof. The clauses of the agreements were beneficial not only for the USSR. Lithuania, for example, received the territory of Vilna and the Vilna region with a population of about half a million people, of which Lithuanians accounted for no more than 20%. At the same time, trade agreements were signed on the supply of raw materials from the USSR, which compensated for the loss of ties with the West during the World War.(3)
Conclusion
The European foreign policy of the USSR went through three stages in the 30s: before the arrival of the Nazis in Germany, there was a predominantly pro-German orientation; from 1933 to 1939 the “pro-democratic” line prevailed: orientation towards an alliance with England and France, attempts to create a system of collective security; from 1939 to 1941 The pro-German line again prevailed, which attracted Stalin with the opportunity to significantly expand the territory of the USSR by dividing Europe into “spheres of influence.” (4)
Soviet-Finnish (“Winter”) War
The start of the “winter” war was preceded by negotiations between the USSR and Finland, which took place in Moscow from October 12 to November 9, 1939. At the negotiations, the issue of concluding a mutual assistance pact between the countries in the context of the outbreak of World War II was discussed, as well as the sale, rental or exchange of disputed territories that were of strategic importance in the event of the outbreak of hostilities in this direction. All USSR proposals were rejected by the Finnish side.
On November 29, 1939, the Finnish envoy in Moscow was handed a note about the severance of diplomatic relations between the USSR and Finland. On November 30, at 8 a.m., troops of the Leningrad Front received orders to cross the border with Finland. On the same day, Finnish President K. Kallio declared war on the USSR.
Thus began the Soviet-Finnish war of 1939-1940, for the outbreak of which on December 14, 1939 the Soviet Union was expelled from the League of Nations.
The military operations of the “winter” war, by their nature, fall into two main periods. From November 30, 1939 to February 10, 1940, Soviet troops moved in the direction of the Mannerheim Line. February 11th began fighting to break through the “Mannerheim Line” itself, which included fortifications with front, main and rear lines and defense units.
During the war, Finland was helped by 13 countries that sent it weapons (the main suppliers were England, the USA, France and Sweden). However, by March 1940, the Finnish government realized that, despite demands for continued resistance, Finland would not receive any military assistance other than volunteers and weapons from the allies. After breaking through the Mannerheim Line, Finland was obviously unable to hold back the advance of the Red Army. The threat of a complete takeover of the country, followed by either annexation to the USSR or a change of government to a pro-Soviet one, became a reality.
In this situation, the Finnish government turned to the USSR with a proposal to begin peace negotiations. On March 7, 1940, a Finnish delegation arrived in Moscow, and on March 12 a peace treaty was concluded. According to the territorial terms of the agreement, the state border of Finland and the USSR was established along a new line. The USSR included the entire Karelian Isthmus with the city of Vyborg, Vyborg Bay and islands; the western and northern coast of Lake Ladoga with the cities of Kexgolm, Sortavala, Suoyarvi; islands in the Gulf of Finland; the area east of Lake Merkijärvi with the city of Kuolajärvi; the Finnish part of the Rybachy and Sredny peninsulas, which thereby completely became part of the territory of the Soviet Union. For its part, the USSR withdrew troops from the Petsamo (Pechenga) region, which it voluntarily ceded to Finland in 1920, and the pre-war border line was restored in the Arctic.
Soviet-Finnish War 1939-1940 was short in duration (105 days), but bloody. The Finnish side lost 100 thousand people out of almost 600 thousand conscripts. The losses of the Red Army amounted to 391.8 thousand people out of 1 million who took part in the hostilities. Heavy losses on the Soviet side are explained not only by the stubborn resistance of the Finns, but also by the poor preparedness of the Red Army to operate in conditions low temperatures. Many fighters suffered not from weapons, but from frostbite, since their uniform did not correspond to the conditions in which military operations took place.(5)
Conclusion
Researchers who study the history of Soviet-German relations have to take into account, firstly, the emergence of new documents that shed light on this problem. In particular, in the collection of documents “The fascist sword was forged in the USSR” it is convincingly proven that in the 20s. The Soviet leadership helped Germany create its own armed forces in circumvention of the Treaty of Versailles. Secondly, we have to take into account the influence of Western historiography, which places the main blame for the outbreak of the Second World War either on the USSR or on A. Hitler and J.V. Stalin at the same time.
Similar views are expressed, in particular, in the recently published works of N. Werth, in which the entire foreign policy of the USSR in the 30s. presented from the angle of destabilization of the situation in Europe and connivance with the aggressor, and especially the work of V. Suvorov “Icebreaker”, which has a characteristic subtitle “Who started the Second World War?” and its content leads to a clear answer to this question. These two circumstances influenced the work of M.I. Semiryagi. G.L. Rozanova, L.A. Nameless. O.A. Rzhemevsky, A.M. Samsonova, A.O. Chubaryan and other researchers, devoted to the analysis of the foreign policy of the USSR on the eve of the Second World War. Research by V. Petrov and A. Dongarov on the circumstances is worthy of attention Soviet-Finnish war 1939-1940, V. Abarinova about the tragedy in Katyn, V.A. Parsadonova, about the relationship between the USSR and the territories that were ceded to it under the Soviet-German Pact of 1939. It is this pact and the policies of the USSR after its conclusion that require a balanced analysis of researchers not on the basis of ideology, but on the basis of an objective study of the facts and steps taken by all subjects international relations. At the turn of the 20-30s. The same radical changes occurred in the foreign policy of the USSR as within the country. The leadership of the NKID and the Comintern completely changed, which was given the main task of ensuring favorable conditions for building socialism in the USSR. It was necessary to prevent the threat of the USSR being drawn into international conflicts, as well as to make maximum use of the benefits of economic cooperation with developed Western countries. In connection with the change in priorities in foreign policy, the activities of the Comintern were viewed as secondary in comparison with the activities of the NKID, headed by M.M. Litvinov, known for his sympathies for Western democracies. But subsequently, the activities of the USSR in the diplomatic arena in the mid-30s received the name “collective security policy.” Its effectiveness in preventing the threat of world war was highly assessed by official Soviet historiography and is questioned in modern literature.
It should, however, be taken into account that the policy of collective security depends on the position of all parties involved in its development. It is important to determine the level of interest of these parties in creating such a system in Europe. The USSR understood the threat of war looming on the world and its unpreparedness for it at that time. Therefore, there is no doubt about the sincerity of his efforts. However, without the connivance of Germany on the part of Western countries, the remilitarization of the Rhineland, the war in Spain and the victory of fascism in it, the Anschluss of Austria and the occupation of Czechoslovakia would have been impossible. The USSR's calls to curb the aggressor in the League of Nations can be considered as demagoguery, but one cannot help but notice the formation of a bloc of aggressive states based on the Anti-Comintern Pact and the signing of the Munich Agreement.
Given the collapse of its diplomatic activities, the USSR was forced to pay attention to the situation that was developing near its borders. The situation on the Far Eastern borders became boring to correct militarily in battles with Japan on Lake Khasan and in the Khalkin-Gol region; the threat that loomed from the West had to be resolved diplomatically, first in negotiations with Western democracies, and then with the country that posed a direct threat THE USSR. The circumstances that led to the conclusion of the Soviet-German non-aggression treaty, as well as its impact on international relations, are now well known, and one can hardly expect any new documents on these issues. Their interpretation depends on the position taken by the researcher in characterizing Soviet foreign policy. Opinions on this issue differ radically among different researchers, and they are based on political likes and dislikes, rather than an objective analysis of the facts.
The European foreign policy of the USSR went through three stages in the 30s: before the arrival of the Nazis in Germany, there was a predominantly pro-German orientation; from 1933 to 1939 the “pro-democratic” line prevailed: orientation towards an alliance with England and France, attempts to create a system of collective security; from 1939 to 1941 The pro-German line again prevailed, which attracted Stalin with the opportunity to significantly expand the territory of the USSR by dividing Europe into “spheres of influence.”
Bibliography
(1) - E.V. Anisimov - History of Russia from Rurik to Putin.
(2) - Barsenkov, Vdovin - History of Russia.
(3) - Belousova Z. S. The Soviet Union and European problems: a textbook for universities; Bodyugov G. A. Hitler comes to power. National history.
(4) - Voloshina V. Yu. Soviet period of the Russian Empire.
(5) - Baryshnikov V.N. From the cool world to the winter war.
Posted on Allbest.ru
...Similar documents
Foreign policy of the country in the pre-war years. International position of the USSR. Soviet-German relations and division of spheres of influence. Signing of the Soviet-German non-aggression pact. Supplies of food and oil to Germany. Beginning of the War.
abstract, added 10/17/2008
Directions of economic development of the Soviet state before World War II. Priorities of world and foreign policy of the USSR on the eve of the war. Development of international relations of the USSR with small states in the pre-war years, international treaties.
test, added 01/16/2015
Signing of the non-aggression pact between Germany and France in December 1938. Conclusion of the Soviet-Japanese truce in 1939. Negotiations of the USSR with England and France. Conclusion of a non-aggression pact between the USSR and Germany (Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact).
course work, added 01/27/2011
The invasion of Poland is the first period of World War II. The beginning of the Soviet-Finnish war. Events of the European Blitzkrieg. Annexation of the Baltic states, Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina to the USSR. Battle of Great Britain. The balance of power on the world stage after the war.
presentation, added 11/26/2010
Results of the First World War 1914-1918. Anglo-French-Soviet negotiations 1939. International situation on the eve of the Second World War. Prerequisites for the outbreak of the Second World War of 1939-1941. Non-aggression pact "Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact".
presentation, added 05/16/2011
The international position of the USSR in the 30s, the foreign policy of the Soviet government. Economic development Soviet state before the start of World War II. Technical equipment The Red Army, the consequences of repression and the destruction of commanders.
abstract, added 09/12/2012
International situation on the eve of the Second World War. Participation of the USSR in international events preceding the Second World War. The USSR's struggle to prevent war. Development of relations with leading capitalist countries.
course work, added 05/05/2004
A study of the war between the Soviet Union and Finland, its influence on the general course of the Second World War as a whole. Foreign policy relations of the two states before the outbreak of military conflict. Causes of the Soviet-Finnish War. The goals pursued by the USSR.
scientific work, added 02/09/2009
Fundamental changes in the world and international relations as a consequence of the Second World War. Strengthening the military and political influence of the Soviet Union. The beginning of the Cold War, the Iron Curtain, perestroika. Relations with third world countries.
thesis, added 10/20/2010
The origin and development of fascism. The formation of a hotbed of military danger in Europe. Foreign policy of the Soviet state on the eve of the war. Soviet-German non-aggression pact and agreement on the division of spheres of influence. Modern assessment of these documents.
The development of the Soviet Union in the pre-war years took place in a difficult international environment. The presence of hotbeds of tension in Europe and the Far East, the secret preparation of the countries of the capitalist world for the Second World War, and the rise to power in Germany of a fascist party clearly indicated that the international situation was actively and rapidly approaching a military conflict.
The country's foreign policy in the pre-war years was based on internal tasks and depending on the state and development of international relations.
The general trend of international development in the early 30s. The Soviet leadership defined it as an aggravation of the international situation and the movement of the world towards a new war. The foreign policy practice of the Soviet Union was mainly aimed at combating fascist aggression, creating a system of collective security in Europe, and developing international relations based on a policy of peaceful coexistence. The implementation of this line of foreign policy was the establishment in the period 1933-1935. diplomatic relations of the USSR with Spain, Uruguay, Hungary, Romania, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, Albania, Belgium, Luxembourg and Colombia, which for more than 25 years did not recognize our country, as well as the establishment of diplomatic relations between the USSR and the USA in November 1933. All this testified to the strengthening of the international authority of the USSR and created more favorable conditions to intensify its foreign policy activities.
In 1934, the USSR entered the League of Nations, where it made its proposals regarding the creation of a system of collective security and resistance to conquerors, which, however, did not find support.
In 1935 - signing of a mutual assistance pact by France, Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union. This pact could have played a significant role in preventing Hitler's aggression, but at the insistence of France a clause was included in this treaty. Its essence was that military assistance to Czechoslovakia from the USSR could be provided only if France also provided it. Soon it was this reservation and the indecisiveness of the then Czechoslovak government that facilitated aggression on the part of Germany.
In March 1936, a treaty was concluded with the Mongolian People's Republic, and in August 1937, a non-aggression treaty was concluded between the USSR and China.
Events in Europe began to take on a particularly threatening dynamic in 1938, when Germany occupied Austria and included it in the Third Reich and intervened in civil war in Spain, where she helped establish the fascist dictatorship, demanded that Czechoslovakia transfer the Sudetenland and annexed it after the approval of this action
The Munich meeting of heads of government consisting of England, France, Germany, Italy, which decided to dismember Czechoslovakia, at which the USSR and Czechoslovakia were not present.
In the summer of 1939, on the initiative of the Soviet side, negotiations began between the USSR - England - France on concluding a mutual assistance pact and creating an anti-German coalition. At these negotiations, the Soviet Union made radical proposals to resolve the issue of collective security, but for Western states that continued the policies developed at the Munich meeting, these proposals turned out to be unacceptable.
The USSR failed to reach an agreement with the Western powers. The Western powers conducted negotiations with the USSR, first of all, in order to put pressure on Germany, to force it to make concessions to them, they tried to impose on the Soviet Union own terms, neglected his interests.
Thus, by the beginning of the autumn of 1939, the Soviet Union failed to solve the problem of reaching a military agreement with England and France. In addition, at this time England and France had already formalized their non-aggression agreements with Germany and, thus, were objectively in an advantageous position over the USSR.
In conditions when the USSR's negotiations with England and France reached a dead end in 1939, the Soviet leadership accepted Germany's proposal for peace negotiations, as a result of which on August 23, 1939, a Soviet-German non-aggression treaty was signed in Moscow.
By concluding an agreement with Germany, the Soviet side decided for itself a dilemma: either come to an agreement with England and France and create a system of collective security in Europe, or conclude a pact with Germany, or remain alone. The option chosen by the USSR cannot be considered optimal for maintaining security in Europe, but it should have provided at least some guarantees regarding the security of the USSR against the backdrop of the failure of negotiations with England and France.
What prompted Germany to enter into an alliance with the USSR? For Hitler, this was a tactical step: he needed to guarantee the unhindered capture of Poland and further expand military operations. The Soviet side, by signing the agreement, sought, on the one hand, to ensure the security of the USSR on the eve of Germany’s war against Poland by limiting the advance of German troops and Germany’s refusal to use the Baltic states for anti-Soviet purposes, on the other hand, to secure the Far Eastern borders of the USSR from Japanese attack.
In general, this pact did not make it possible to create a united anti-Soviet front in Europe. Thus, by concluding a pact, the USSR delayed the start of hostilities for a while and moved its borders away from the vital centers of the country.
In addition to interaction with the leading developed powers of the world
The Soviet Union also carried out other foreign policy actions. Return of Bessarabia to the Soviet state. In September 1939, the territorial community with Ukraine and Belarus was returned to the peoples of Western Ukraine and Western Belarus. On September 17, 1939, while Germany was fighting with Poland, Soviet troops crossed its eastern border. In an official statement of the Soviet government, these actions were justified by the need to “take under protection the lives and property of the population of Western Belarus.” The last action was a direct consequence of the implementation of the secret protocols to the Soviet-German Pact, where Poland was considered from the standpoint of the “sphere of interests” of the USSR.
Similar power positions emerged in the USSR's relations with its Baltic neighbors.
In October 1939, the USSR offered Finland to lease the Hanko Peninsula, which was of strategic importance for the borders of the Soviet state, for 30 years, as well as to transfer the islands in the Gulf of Finland, part of the Rybachy and Sredny peninsulas near Murmansk and part of the Karelian Isthmus, i.e. about 2,710 square kilometers, in exchange for a territory in Soviet Karelia measuring 5,523 square kilometers. The Finnish side did not accept these conditions, and the negotiations were interrupted on November 13, and then a military conflict broke out between the USSR and Finland.
The Soviet-Finnish war lasted 105 days, from November 30, 1939 to March 12, 1940. Although this campaign ended in victory for the USSR, allowed the country to strengthen its strategic positions in the north-west, and move the border away from Leningrad, it is still impossible not to admit that this war caused political and moral damage to the Soviet Union. World public opinion in this conflict was on the side of Finland, and the prestige of the USSR noticeably dropped. At the request of a number of countries, on December 14, 1939, the USSR was expelled from the League of Nations.
By the end of May 1940 it became clear that military operations in Western Europe, unleashed by Germany as a result of the outbreak of World War II on September 1, 1939, are nearing completion. Germany emerged from this military conflict even stronger economically and militarily. Having prevailed over France and Great Britain, Germany stopped striving to maintain friendly relations with the USSR. Under these conditions, the USSR was interested in keeping German troops as far as possible from its borders and its actions in 1940 were aimed at, using the Soviet-German treaty of 1939, limiting the scope of German aggression.
All foreign policy activities of the USSR in the 30s. was of a contradictory nature, the methods of its implementation in the first and second half of the 30s. differed from each other, which was explained by the specific situation, its changes, the desire to delay the war at any cost, which inevitably led to mistakes and miscalculations. As a result, many tasks related to ensuring the country's security could not be fully resolved.
At the end of the 30s. military threat from fascist Germany was constantly growing. England, the USA, France, in these conditions, adopt a policy of appeasing the aggressor, the pinnacle of which is considered to be the Munich Agreement of 1938, according to which European countries practically recognized Germany's annexation of part of the territory of Czechoslovakia.
After the German occupation of the entire Czech Republic in 1939, the Soviet Union found itself in a very difficult situation.
Negotiations between the military missions of England, France and the USSR were unsuccessful. A. Hitler, who had already decided to start a war with Poland, stubbornly demanded from I.V. Stalin agreed to conclude a non-aggression pact.
On August 23, 1939, a non-aggression pact and a secret protocol to it were signed between Germany and the USSR, according to which:
1) there was a delimitation of the spheres of influence of Germany and the USSR. Germany claimed Western and Central Poland and Lithuania, and the USSR claimed Eastern Poland, Latvia, Estonia, Finland, Bessarabia - territories that Russia lost during the First World War;
2) according to the agreement, both parties committed not to interfere with each other in gaining control over these areas.
Germany started a war against Poland. And Soviet troops occupied its eastern regions. As a result, the lands of Western Ukraine and Western Belarus became part of the USSR.
After the completion of military operations in Poland, a friendship and border treaty and new secret protocols were signed between the USSR and Germany, in which the countries' areas of interest were clarified: in exchange for some territories of Poland, Germany gave Lithuania to the USSR.
War with Finland. On October 31, the Soviet Union made territorial claims to Finland regarding the Karelian Peninsula. November 30, 1939 The Red Army began military operations against Finnish troops. The start of this war was perceived by the world community as an act of aggression. The USSR was expelled from the League of Nations. The result of the war between the USSR and Finland was a peace treaty, according to which all territorial claims of the USSR to Finland were satisfied.
In the 30s The USSR concludes mutual assistance agreements with the Baltic countries - Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. They provided for the presence of military bases on the territory of these states. Presence Soviet troops was used by the USSR to proclaim Soviet power here. New governments were created in the Baltic countries, which asked the USSR to join it as union republics.
In 1940 The USSR presented an ultimatum to Romania. Then Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina were annexed. In these territories, the Moldavian USSR was formed, which became part of the USSR.
In the Far East in 1938–1939. There were clashes between Soviet and Japanese troops in the area of Lake Khasan and the river. Khalkhin Gol.
At this time in Germany full swing The “Barbarossa Plan” was being developed, the goal of which was to attack and conquer the USSR. In December 1940, according to Directive No. 21, the plan was approved by Hitler. When there were only months left before the war, the USSR continued to strictly comply with all agreements reached with Germany, including on the supply of weapons, food and construction materials.
In the early 1930s, the situation in the world began to heat up. The global economic crisis contributed to the rise to power in some countries of forces seeking to carry out democratic reforms (England, France, etc.). In others, the crisis contributed to the formation of anti-democratic (fascist) regimes (Germany, Italy), which became the instigators of military conflicts. Hotbeds of international tension arose in Europe and the Far East.
Taking these factors into account, the Soviet government defined the objectives of its foreign policy: refusal to participate in international conflicts, recognition of the possibility of cooperation with democratic Western countries to contain the aggressive aspirations of Germany and Japan, the struggle for the creation of a system of collective security in Europe and the Far East. In 1935, Soviet-French and Soviet-Czechoslovak treaties on mutual assistance in the event of an attack by an aggressor were signed.
But from the second half of the 1930s, a departure from the principle of non-intervention began to be observed in the foreign policy activities of the USSR. In 1936, during the civil war and the German-Italian intervention in Spain, he assisted the Popular Front government.
England and France pursued a policy of “pacifying the aggressor” and making concessions to Germany, but it did not produce results. International tensions increased. In 1936, Germany and Japan signed the Anti-Comintern Pact directed against the USSR. In 1937, with German support, Japan launched a large-scale military operation in China.
In March 1938, Germany annexed Austria. After this, the question arose about Czechoslovakia, from which she demanded the transfer of the Sudetenland. In September 1938, England and France presented an ultimatum to the Czechoslovak government to satisfy Germany's territorial claims. The Prague government first turned to the USSR with a request to fulfill its treaty obligations, but then refused to accept its help. At a meeting in Munich with the participation of Germany, Italy, England and France, an agreement was signed on the separation of the Sudetenland from Czechoslovakia, and in March 1939 Germany completely occupied the country. The real opportunity to prevent war was missed; the “Munich Agreement” brought it closer.
In the summer of 1938, a Soviet-Japanese military conflict occurred at Lake Khasan, and in May 1939, on the Khalkhin Gol River.
In the spring of 1939, the USSR made another attempt to reach an agreement with the West. Negotiations with England and France began in Moscow. But these countries did not seek an agreement with the USSR; in the summer, negotiations reached a dead end. The USSR found itself in conditions of political isolation and facing the threat of war on two fronts. He was forced to accept Germany's offer and on August 23 signed a non-aggression pact for a period of ten years. This step allowed our country to gain time.
On September 1, 1939, the Second World War began with the German attack on Poland. World War. Under these conditions, the USSR took measures to strengthen its western borders. On September 17, the Red Army entered Poland, and having reached the “Curzon Line”, it returned Western Ukraine and Western Belarus. At the same time, mutual assistance agreements were concluded with Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia, which allowed the deployment of Soviet troops in these countries. In the summer of 1940, the Popular Front won the parliamentary elections there. The new governments proclaimed Soviet power and turned to the USSR with a request for admission to the Union. At the same time, under an ultimatum, Romania returned Bessarabia, captured in 1918, to the USSR.
As a result of the Soviet-Finnish war (November 1939-March 1940), the USSR moved the border from Leningrad deeper into Finland, in return giving up twice the territory in Karelia.
In April 1941, a neutrality pact was signed with Japan.
In the 1930s, the international situation continued to be difficult. Japan, Germany and Italy planned a new redivision of the world in the early 30s. We moved from words to action. In 1931, Japan attacked China and occupied its northeastern part (Manchuria).
In Germany, during the struggle against the Social Democratic Party, the German communists turned part of the working class towards National Socialism. The split in the ranks of the German working class facilitated the transfer of power in Germany into the hands of Hitler. As a result of the general elections, the Nazis came to power in Germany in 1933, they received 11.7 million votes, the Social Democrats - 7.2 million and the Communists about 6 million. Having become the ruling party, the Nazis began to implement their aggressive plans to forcibly revise the terms of the Versailles Peace Treaty agreement. Germany's relations with the USSR deteriorated sharply.
In 1935, Italy invaded Ethiopia. In 1936, German troops entered the demilitarized Rhine Zone. In the same year, Germany and Italy, contrary to the decision of the League of Nations, intervened in the Spanish Civil War, supporting the rebel General Franco. In 1937, Japan launched a large-scale offensive in China, capturing the capital, Beijing, and occupying northern and part of central China. These actions did not encounter active opposition from Western democracies, which pursued the so-called policy of appeasing the aggressors, without losing hope of directing the aggression of Japan and Germany against the USSR.
Based on the current international situation, in the first half of the 1930s, Soviet diplomacy focused its efforts on creating a system of collective security against potential aggressors, without stopping secret negotiations with Germany on restoring the former harmony in relations. As part of this policy, in 1933-1935, the USSR established diplomatic relations with the USA, Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria, Romania, Belgium, Spain, Uruguay and a number of other countries. In 1934, the USSR joined the League of Nations. In 1935, the USSR signed treaties on mutual assistance in the event of a third party attack with France and Czechoslovakia. Soviet diplomacy failed to create a system of collective security covering most of the countries of Europe. The governments of England and France and their allies in Eastern Europe, without making any distinction between the totalitarian regimes in Italy, Germany and the USSR, did not want to bind themselves to any obligations with the USSR.
In March 1938, Germany annexed Austria. On September 30, 1938, Germany, at a conference in Munich, achieved the consent of England and France to secede the Sudetenland from Czechoslovakia. The agreement concluded in Munich was directed not only against Czechoslovakia, a victim of the conspiracy of England, France, Italy and Germany, but also against the interests of the Soviet Union. On March 15, 1939, Germany occupied Czechoslovakia and created on its territory the protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia and “independent” Slovakia under the auspices of the German Empire.
The events of March 15, 1939 decisively changed the mood of influential political circles in England. In March-May 1939, England announced a “policy of guarantees,” i.e. obligations to provide direct military assistance to Poland, Romania, Greece and Turkey in the event of aggression against them. The British government approached the Soviet government with a request for its position in the event of a threat of attack on Poland and Romania. But at the same time, the British began to explore the possibility of an agreement with the Germans that would ensure the security of England.
The Soviet Union, for its part, also played a double game. In mid-April 1939, he began open negotiations with England and France on concluding a military alliance, and on the other hand, energetic sounding in Berlin about the possibility of concluding a broad political agreement between the USSR and Germany against the interests of England and France.
In April 1939, the USSR proposed that England and France conclude an agreement for 5-10 years on mutual assistance and assistance to Eastern European states located between the Baltic and Black Seas and bordering the USSR in the event of aggression against these states. The USSR's proposals provided for the conclusion of a military convention.
During May, the exchange of proposals and discussions through diplomatic channels continued between the USSR, on the one hand, and England and France, on the other. From the point of view of the USSR, the most important issue was to ensure that the Baltic states (Latvia, Estonia and Lithuania) would not fall into German hands one way or another, so that in the event of a war against Germany, Soviet troops could pass unhindered through the territories of Poland and Romania, since between The USSR and Germany did not have a common border.
The governments of Poland and Romania did not agree to give permission for the passage of Soviet troops in the event of a war against Germany, since they feared, not without reason, that the presence of Soviet troops on their territory would lead to irreversible socio-political changes.
At the end of May 1939, bloody clashes took place in the Far East between Soviet and Mongolian troops, on the one hand, and Japanese troops, on the other, on the Khalkin-Gol River. The deterioration of Japanese-Soviet relations further increased the nervousness of the Soviet leadership and its fear of the possible prospect of the USSR being involved in a war on two fronts - in the West and in the Far East.
In July 1939, German-Soviet trade negotiations resumed. At the same time, the Soviet government invited England and France to begin negotiations in Moscow between representatives of the armed forces of the three states. On July 25, England and France agreed and Anglo-French-Soviet negotiations began in Moscow.
Thus, in early August, on the eve of the opening of negotiations between the military missions of the USSR, England and France, a situation arose when the Soviet government could choose between three options: to go with England and France against the Nazi aggressor, who was preparing to attack Poland, to ensure its interests agreement with Germany and open the way for Germany to attack Poland, not get involved in any agreements and remain aloof from the war.
By mid-August 1939, the Soviet government decided to take the second path. Soviet conditions had in fact already been formulated by Molotov and brought to the attention of the German government: the Baltic states, including Lithuania, Bessarabia should be included in the sphere of Soviet interests, the Polish problem would be resolved in the interests of Germany. Now the Soviet leadership was awaiting a response from the German government.
On August 15, 1939, a telegram signed by German Foreign Minister Ribbentrop was sent to the German Ambassador to the USSR Schulenburg. The telegram instructed Molotov to be informed that the period when National Socialist Germany and the Soviet Union were in hostile camps had ended, and there was no real conflict of interest between Germany and the USSR. Germany has no aggressive intentions towards the USSR. Ribbentrop also stated that in order to clarify German-Soviet relations, he was ready to immediately go to Moscow to meet with Stalin in order to convey to him Hitler’s point of view. Schulenburg conveyed this message to Molotov on August 16. Molotov's answer was positive.
On August 16, Ribbentrop sent a new telegram to Schulenburg for transmission to Molotov. It states that Germany is ready to sign a non-aggression pact with the USSR for a period of 25 years and jointly guarantee the Baltic states. Germany is also ready to use its influence to resolve Soviet-Japanese relations. The German Foreign Minister is ready to arrive in Moscow any day after August 18.
On August 17, Molotov informs Schulenburg about the readiness of the USSR government to put an end to the past. Agreeing in principle with Ribbentrop's arrival, Molotov said that some time was needed to prepare for his arrival. This time was necessary to find a suitable reason for ending negotiations with the military delegations of England and France.
This reason was given by the British, who, firstly, did not have formal authority to sign the convention, and secondly, could not obtain consent from the governments of Poland and Romania for the passage of Soviet troops through their territory in the event of a war against Germany.
On August 23, 1939, a Soviet-German non-aggression pact was signed in Moscow for a period of 10 years. Germany promised to influence its ally Japan and convince it to normalize relations with the Soviet Union. The USSR agreed to supply Germany with strategic raw materials and food. In addition, a secret additional protocol was signed, the existence of which was denied by the Soviet government until 1991. This secret protocol was the first, but not the only secret agreement concluded between Germany and the USSR in 1939 - 1941.
A turning point has arrived in the history of Europe and the world as a whole: the Soviet Union, having signed an agreement and a secret protocol on the division of spheres of influence with Germany, opened the way to war.
The message that appeared on August 22 and 23, 1939 in the Soviet press about the arrival of Ribbentrop and at the same time about the next congress of the National Socialist Party of Germany in Nuremberg sounded like a bolt of thunder from a clear sky. For many years, the Soviet press did not call the German National Socialists anything other than “fascists” or “Hitlerites.” And suddenly it turned out that they were not fascists, but some kind of National Socialists. Ribbentrop, who was referred to in Soviet newspapers only as a warmonger, was solemnly greeted at the airfield in Moscow, decorated with flags with a swastika and a hammer and sickle. Photographs of smiling Stalin and Ribbentrop appeared in the newspapers. The people, of course, did not know what conversations Stalin had with Ribbentrop.
Young people reacted most emotionally to the Soviet-German rapprochement. At Moscow State University, official speakers - teachers of the Department of Marxism-Leninism - were attacked with ironic and indignant questions. Young people did not want to come to terms with the fact that the German fascists were now the first friends of the Soviet Union.
Thousands of propagandists were sent to institutions and enterprises to explain that the German-Soviet rapprochement was not an opportunistic maneuver, but a historical turn. From all institutions related to foreign relations, people began to be fired Jewish origin. For the first time in all the years of the existence of Soviet power, anti-Semitism, previously camouflaged by talk of internationalism, turned into state policy.
A week later, on September 1, 1939, Germany attacked Poland. On September 3, England and France, true to their allied obligations, declared war on Germany. The Second World War began.
