Italo-Ethiopian War
Second Italo-Ethiopian War (Second Italo-Abyssinian War, Italo-Ethiopian War (1935-1936)) - a war between the Kingdom of Italy and Ethiopia, which resulted in the annexation of Ethiopia and the proclamation from it, along with the colonies of Eritrea and Italian Somalia, colonies of Italian East Africa. This war showed the inability of the League of Nations, of which both Italy and Ethiopia were members, in resolving international conflicts. In this war, Italian troops widely used prohibited chemical weapons: mustard gas and phosgene. Considered a harbinger of the Second World War (along with the Spanish Civil War). Victory in the war made Mussolini one of the most prominent and significant figures European politics and showed the strength of the “Italian weapons”, it also prompted him to overestimate his strength and get involved in a war with Greece, which ended in tears.
Benito Mussolini meets with Ethiopian collaborators in Rome. 1937
Fascism, which came to power in Italy, had a clear ideology of national superiority, which, of course, was contradicted by the continued existence of an independent African state created by Menelik II in Ethiopia. From the beginning of his reign, Duce Benito Mussolini proclaimed the course of creating a great Italian Empire similar to the Roman Empire.
Crowd in Piazza Venezia in Rome during Mussolini's speech on military mobilization. 1935.
His plans included establishing control over the Mediterranean basin and northern Africa. Mussolini promised the people to make Italy equal to the main colonial empires: Great Britain and France. Ethiopia was the most convenient target for the implementation of the plans of the Italian dictator. There were several reasons for this. By that time, Ethiopia remained practically the only one completely independent country Africa. The capture of Ethiopia would allow the unification of the Italian colonies of Eritrea and Italian Somalia. In addition, Ethiopia was weak militarily: many warriors from the native tribes were armed with spears and bows. Victory over Ethiopia would make it possible to wash away the shame of defeat at Adua that loomed over Italy.
Haile Selassie in full uniform on a white horse
Haile Selassie, who received absolute monarchical power in Ethiopia, unlike Menelik II, who created Ethiopia, did not have a sufficient number of adequate feedback with his people (whom he completely lost by the end of his reign). He could not even find reliable external allies, and, for example, Negus’ attempts to establish allied relations with the fascist regime of Japan (a real spiritual ally of Italian fascism) can be called completely inadequate and insane. Haile Selassie's failure to adequately assess the historical vector of Ethiopia's interests in the camp of anti-fascist forces cost the people of Ethiopia dearly. But, realizing that war with Italy was inevitable, Negus announced a general mobilization in September 1935. He managed to mobilize about 500 thousand people.
Parade of Abyssinian troops. 1935.
Despite the solid number of troops, the country lacked modern weapons. Many warriors were armed with spears and bows, most of the firearms were obsolete rifles produced before 1900. According to Italian estimates, by the beginning of the war, Ethiopian troops numbered from 350 to 760 thousand people, but only a quarter of the soldiers had received at least minimal military training . In total, the army had approximately 400 thousand rifles of various manufacturers and years of production, about 200 units of obsolete artillery, about 50 light and heavy anti-aircraft guns. The Ethiopians had several armored Ford trucks and a small number of tanks from the First World War. The Ethiopian Air Force consisted of 12 outdated biplanes, of which only 3 were operational. The best units were Haile Selassie's personal guard - Kebur Zabanga. These troops are quite well trained and better equipped. But the Imperial Guard wore the khaki uniform of the Belgian Army, unlike the rest of the army, which wore white cotton uniforms. In Ethiopian conditions, this made them an excellent target for Italian soldiers.
Abyssinian warriors. 1935
The main part of the Italian army before the invasion of Ethiopia was deployed in Eritrea, where in 1935 5 divisions of the regular army and 5 divisions of the Blackshirts arrived; at the same time, one division of the regular army and several battalions of blackshirts arrived in Italian Somalia.
Italian soldiers say goodbye to their families before being sent to Abyssinia.
These forces alone (excluding the army already stationed in East Africa, native units and units that arrived during the war) consisted of 7 thousand officers and 200 thousand privates and were equipped with 6 thousand machine guns, 700 guns, 150 tankettes and 150 by plane. The overall command of the Italian forces in East Africa until November 1935 was exercised by General Emilio de Bono, and from November 1935 by Field Marshal Pietro Badoglio. The Northern Front (in Eritrea) consisted of five corps, the 1st was commanded by Ruggiero Santini, the 2nd by Pietro Maravina, the 3rd by Adalbetro Bergamo (then Ettore Bastico), and the Eritrean Corps by Alessandro Pirzio Biroli. The forces of the Southern Front (in Somalia) were mostly concentrated in a column commanded by General Rodolfo Graziani.
Italian General de Bono (left, with a beard) in conversation with the “traitor” Koeksa
On October 3, 1935, at 5 a.m., without a declaration of war, the Italian army invaded Ethiopia from Eritrea and Somalia; At the same time, Italian aircraft began bombing the city of Adua.
Troops under the leadership of Marshal Emilio De Bono, stationed on Eritrean territory, crossed the border river Mareb and launched an offensive in the direction of Addigrat - Adua - Axum. At the same time, in the south, from the territory of Italian Somalia, an army under the command of General Rodolfo Graziani crossed the border and began an offensive in the direction of Corrahe - Harar. At 10:00 Haile Selassie I ordered general mobilization. He personally took charge of the military operations: an example of his leadership is the order of October 19:
The population of Addis Ababa learns about the beginning of the war. 1935
Tents should be set up inside caves, under the cover of trees or in the forest, if the place is suitable, and separated by platoon. Tents should be placed at a distance of 30 cubits from one another
Having noticed an airplane in the distance, you must immediately leave a large, clearly visible road or open field, and move on, sticking to narrow valleys and trenches, along winding roads, trying to stay close to the forest or tree plantations.
In Abyssinia, a priest recruits for the army.
For targeted bombing, the aircraft needs to descend to a height of about 100 meters; as soon as this happens, it should fire a friendly salvo from reliable, long guns, and immediately disperse. A plane hit by 3 or 4 bullets will crash to the ground. Only those to whom such orders have been given, and whose weapons have been specifically determined to be suitable for the task, should fire; indiscriminate shooting will only waste ammunition and reveal the location of the squad to the enemy.
Armed Abyssinians in an ambush 1935
Due to the fact that, as the aircraft gains altitude, it fixes the position of people, it is safer for the squad to remain dispersed as long as the aircraft is in sufficient proximity. Due to the fact that in war it is common for the enemy to choose as a target decorated shields, braid, cloaks embroidered with silver and gold, silk shirts, etc. Therefore, equally for those who wear outerwear or do not have it, it will be preferable to use shirts of dull colors flowers with narrow sleeves. When, with God's help, will we return<в страну>you will be allowed to adorn yourself again with gold and silver. But now is the time to fight. We give you these tips in the hope of protecting you from the dangers that come with indiscretion. We also inform you that we are ready to fight shoulder to shoulder with our subjects and shed our blood in the name of a free Ethiopia...
Abyssinian machine gunners. 1935
However, these instructions were of little help to the Ethiopian warriors in their actions against the modern army. Most of the Ethiopian commanders were passive, some feudal lords generally refused to obey orders from the imperial headquarters, and many, out of arrogance, did not want to adhere to guerrilla warfare tactics. Nobility in the Ethiopian army from the very beginning came first, to the detriment of talent. Tribal leaders were appointed as three commanders of the fronts - the Kasa, Syum and Getachow races.
Abyssinians with a machine gun among cacti. 1935
The Italian offensive in Ethiopia was carried out in three directions, according to which three fronts emerged in the Ethiopian theater of military operations: Northern, Southern (South-Eastern) and Central. The main role in the capture of the country was assigned to the Northern Front, where the main forces of the expeditionary army were concentrated. The Southern Front was faced with the task of pinning down as many Ethiopian troops as possible and supporting the offensive of the Northern Front units with a strike on Harar, in order to then connect with the “northern” units in the Addis Ababa area. An even more limited goal was set for the group of troops of the Central Front (moving from Assab through Ausa to Dessa), which was charged with the responsibility of linking the armies of the Northern and Southern Fronts and securing their inner flanks. The most important operational location was Addis Ababa. By capturing it, the Italians hoped to proclaim complete success in their campaign to conquer Ethiopia.
Italian artillery in action. 1935
The combat positions of the Ethiopians were negatively affected by the disunity of their armies on the Northern and Southern fronts. Due to the lack of an extensive network of roads and a sufficient number of vehicles, this prevented the timely transfer of reinforcements. Unlike the Italians, the Ethiopians did not actually have a central group of troops opposing the invading enemy units in the Ausa area. The Ethiopians relied on the armed forces of the Sultan of Ausa and the inaccessibility of the desert region of Danakil; They did not foresee that the Sultan would defect to the enemy and that the Italian units, traveling on camels, would be provided with food and water by transport planes from Assab. However, the fate of the war was decided on the Northern Front.
Abyssinian soldiers. 1935.
The stronghold of the Ethiopian troops soon became the city of Desse, where the emperor's headquarters moved from Addis Ababa on November 28, 1935.
Huts of the inhabitants of Dessay after the bombing of Italian planes. 1936
In October - November 1935, the Italians captured the cities of Tigre province. Ethiopian counteroffensive attempts were not always unsuccessful. In December races Ymru - cousin Haile Selassie - launched a successful attack on Axum; On December 15, a 3,000-strong army crossed the river. Tekaze is about 50 km southwest of Adua. As soon as the Ethiopians were on the right bank, a fierce battle ensued with the enemy, another Ethiopian unit quietly penetrated into the rear and crossed the river below the crossing of the main forces of the Ymru race. Haile Selassie demanded decisive action from the Kasa and Syyum races operating in the central direction of the Northern Front. A unit under the command of Hailu Kabbede, consisting of soldiers of the Kasa and Syyum races, during a bloody 4-day battle liberated the city of Abiy Addi, which occupied an important strategic position in Tembepe, a forested mountainous area west of Mekele. Here the Ethiopian soldiers took quite strong positions.
Payment of salaries in the Abyssinian army. 1935.
The failures infuriated Mussolini, for whom the war was his first full-fledged military campaign. The Duce tried to personally direct military operations from Italy. Old Marshal De Bono often did not pay attention to instructions from Rome, although he did not openly object to Mussolini, but acted according to the situation, trying to adapt to the conditions of Ethiopia. Meanwhile, the war revealed a lot of shortcomings in the Italian army. She was poorly equipped and poorly supplied, in military units Looting, medal trading, and the black market flourished. The rivalry between army units and the fascist police, who enjoyed many benefits, adversely affected the mood in the troops.
Italians in Abyssinia.1935
Having removed Marshal De Bono, Mussolini in December 1935 ordered the new commander, Marshal Badoglio, to use chemical weapons, violating Geneva Convention 1925
Marshal Badoglio (left) after the removal of General Bono (right, with beard) in Asmara. November 1935.
Italian aircraft systematically carried out raids deep into Ethiopian territory, bombing peaceful targets.
Italians load grenades and other ammunition onto the plane
Haile Selassie later wrote: We attacked the enemy’s machine-gun nests, his artillery, we captured tanks with our bare hands, we endured aerial bombardments, but we could do nothing against the poisonous gases that imperceptibly fell on our faces and hands.
Abyssinian soldiers in gas masks. 1935
Abyssinian warriors in a corn field
Cavalry charge 1935
Captain Ayele from the Ogaden province with a rifle under the cover of a rock.
Advance of tanks. Tanks have a great disadvantage when passing tall basalt blocks that are scattered across the landscape
Italian tanks in action. 1935.
Front line near Adigrat in Abyssinia. Abyssinians with a machine gun in the grass. 1935
Front line near Adigrat in Abyssinia. Abyssinian snipers in the grass with a rifle at the ready.
Attack Italian tanks to the primitive fortifications around Adigrat.
War Correspondents Camp, 1935
Porters in the war correspondents' camp. 1935
Italian troops on the march. 1935.
A soldier seeks shelter behind a cactus. 1935.
Soldiers behind the parapet with rifles at the ready. 1935.
Italian cavalry crosses the river. 1935.
Abyssinian artillerymen.1935
Italian troops are preparing anti-aircraft guns for battle. 1935
Sentry on alert.1935.
On October 7, 1935, the League of Nations recognized Italy as an aggressor, and on November 18, the Council of the League of Nations imposed economic sanctions against Italy, which were joined by 51 states. However, the embargo did not apply to oil, coal and metal. England did not dare to close the Suez Canal to Italian ships, the United States announced its intention not to sell weapons to both warring parties. Soviet Union resolutely defended the state sovereignty of Ethiopia, although he did not have diplomatic relations with it. On September 5, 1935, the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR M. M. Litvinov, at a meeting of the League Council, drew attention to the fact that “there is an undoubted threat of war, a threat of aggression, which is not only not denied, but, on the contrary, confirmed by the representative of Italy himself. Can we get past this threat? " On behalf of the Soviet government, he invited the Council “to stop at no effort or means to prevent an armed conflict between two members of the League.” A few days later, at a meeting of the General Assembly of the League of Nations, the head of the Soviet delegation again called on the states responsible for maintaining peace to take all measures to pacify the aggressor. However, this high international organization did nothing to protect Ethiopia. The inaction of the League of Nations gave a free hand to Rome, which was completing its final preparations for war. These half-hearted measures actually left Ethiopia at the mercy of the aggressor. British Secretary of State for International Relations Samuel Hoare and French Prime Minister Pierre Laval in December 1935 proposed to Italy and Ethiopia the Hoare-Laval plan, according to which Ethiopia was to cede the Ogaden and Tigre provinces and the Danakil region to Italy, accept Italian advisers into the service and provide Italy with exclusive economic benefits; in exchange for this, Italy had to give Ethiopia access to the sea in the area of the city of Assab. Since this plan was clearly disadvantageous for Ethiopia, it rejected the proposal. In October 1935, Italy's actions were condemned by the Congress of Italian Emigrants in Brussels. The war showed the ineffectiveness of the League of Nations as an instrument for resolving international conflicts.
French Prime Minister Laval (left) goes to a meeting of the League of Nations on September 5, 1935, where the issue of the Italo-Ethiopian conflict will be considered
Second Italo-Ethiopian War (Second Italo-Abyssinian War, Italo-Ethiopian War (1935-1936)) - a war between the Kingdom of Italy and Ethiopia, which resulted in the annexation of Ethiopia and the proclamation from it, along with the colonies of Eritrea and Italian Somalia, colonies of Italian East Africa. This war showed the inability of the League of Nations, of which both Italy and Ethiopia were members, in resolving international conflicts. In this war, Italian troops widely used prohibited chemical weapons: mustard gas and phosgene.
It is considered a harbinger of World War II (along with the Spanish Civil War).
Victory in the war made Mussolini one of the most prominent and significant figures in European politics and showed the power of the “Italian weapons”; it also prompted him to overestimate his strength and get involved in a war with Greece, which ended disastrously.
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Provisional small fort Werder (Werder) of Italian native troops in Italian Somalia. September 24, 1935.
Built by Said Mohammed Abdille Hassan in 1910, located about 12 km northwest of the Wal-Wal oasis, in 1933-34 the Italians built a road to it to carry out traffic vehicles from Italian Somalia.
In Italian Wikipedia it is designated as the Italian Fort Ual-Ual. 
The Italian fort of Kassala near the border with Eritrea, abandoned by Italian troops after the defeat at Adua by the Ethiopian army in 1896. The fort was later occupied by the British following the conquest of Sudan by Lord Horace Herbert Kitchener. September 21, 1935. 
An Ethiopian hunter from the Galla people (modern Oromo) ready to fight for his homeland on the second day after the start of the Italo-Ethiopian War. October 8, 1935.
A photograph of a Galla hunter wearing jewelry for killing a giraffe and a rhinoceros around his neck, gold earrings for killing an elephant, a bracelet on his arm for killing a lion, and various rings for other trophies. In both peace and war, he sleeps with his gun at his side. He typifies the type of warrior the Italians will face if the Duce continues his march into the wild lands of Ethiopia. 
American Resident Minister Cornelius Van Hemert Engert took up arms along with other members of the mission for two days to confront the chaos and unrest in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa. Realizing the direness of his situation, he was forced to send an urgent call for help. He was sent to the British Legation, which had an air-raid shelter and 200 guard soldiers.
A rescue party was dispatched and brought the Americans, among whom was Mrs. Van H. Engert, to safe place. This last photo minister (in Addis Ababa). May 4, 1936. 
Italian fort Ual-Ual. Italian Somalia, October 19, 1935. 
Eritrean warriors, probably of the Tigrinya tribe, in traditional costume, photographed just a few years before the Italian invasion of Ethiopia. These warlike men formed the backbone of the Italian Army's colonial forces in Africa. Their weapons were almost identical to those of the tribes of neighboring northern Ethiopia and included large number awards, shield and curved saber.
Local residents watch the Italian Fiat-Ansaldo C.V.33 wedge and the Lancia Ansaldo IZ armored car overcome the water barrier.
On the eve of aggression: an Italian soldier says goodbye to his mother before being sent to the East African front. Naples, Italy. September 23, 1935. 
Marshal Badoglio (left).
Italian artillerymen. 
Italian soldiers in Montevarchi before leaving for Ethiopia. 1935 
Italian wedges "Fiat-Ansaldo" CV-33.
Italian cavalry.
Abyssinian warriors in traditional clothes.
Bomber Savoia Marchetti - SM.81 Pipistrello. 
Italian aircraft over Abyssinia. 
Abyssinian Emperor Haile Sellasie prepares to fire a French Hotchkiss M1914 machine gun.
Another caption: Emperor Haile Selassie checking weapons on the Northern Front.
The date of the photograph is currently localized to be from 1931 to 1935.
There is an assumption that the man standing on the left hand of the emperor, in a white robe and hat, is none other than Herui Velde Sellase - “the great shadow of Jah.” French diplomats assessed the importance of this man with similar phrases: “Cherui was placed on the throne by the emperor under the name Haile Selassie,” “Cherui is the Abyssinian Rasputin.”
An Abyssinian soldier tries on a gas mask during a training exercise in Addis Ababa in preparation for a possible chemical attack by the Italians. October 26, 1935. 
Haile Selassie's personal guard - Kebur Zabanga at the parade.
Abyssinian soldiers.
Regular units of the Ethiopian army (Kebur Zabanga - Negus guards) pass through Desse during their great march to the front in the northern front zone. The number of these units was one and a half thousand people. December 23, 1935.
Kebur Zabanga is the Negus Guard, the only part of the Ethiopian army trained in accordance with the European military canons of a modern army.
Her preparation and training were carried out by Belgian specialists invited by Haile Selassie. The choice fell on Belgium, since this country had no interest in enslaving Ethiopia, unlike such militarily developed ones European countries like Italy, France and England. 
Abyssinian Guard - Mahel Sefari (center army).
Abyssinian machine gunner.
Abyssinian mortarmen.
Two spies, sentenced to death, were hanged on a makeshift gallows on the northern front during the Italo-Abyssinian War. October 10, 1935.
Chief Bakala Ayele takes aim from cover with a rifle, October 1935.
Bakala Ayele, the chief (fitaurari) of the Ogaden, is the most important person in the district, whose house is located 20 miles from the settlement of Ual-Ual (a dispute over which served as a formal reason for Italian aggression). Preparing to repel the invaders, he armed and trained his entire family to shoot: his wife, his children and even his servants.
Fitaurari - literally "attacker at the head." One of the oldest traditional military titles in Ethiopia, introduced in the 14th century. Fitaurari was either the commander of the vanguard or the commander-in-chief of the troops of the emperor or individual provincial rulers. In this case, this title can be compared to the Russian governor general.
An Abyssinian fighter, armed with a rifle, takes cover in the grass in the Adua-Adigrat front line. 1935 
An Abyssinian machine gunner on the Adua-Addigrat front line with a Browning M1918 machine gun. 1935
In total, the Abyssinian army had 200–300 machine guns of various systems with 10,000 rounds of ammunition per machine gun.
Four Italian soldiers in Ethiopia in 1935
Ras Gugsa, son-in-law of Emperor Haile Selassie, who went over to the side of the invaders with a group of Italian officers during the campaign to Makale. December 12, 1935.
Ras Gugsa (at the center of a group of officers with a scarf around his neck) was appointed governor of Tigre province by the Italians after he defected to the invaders.
Dejazmatch Haile Selassie Guksa - Ethiopian aristocrat, military man. Belonged to the Tigray dynasty. Son-in-law of Emperor Haile Selassie. Traitor to Ethiopia. Haile Selassie Gugsa was the son of Ras Guksa Araya Selassie and the great-great-grandson of Emperor Johannes IV.
In 1934, Haile Selassie Guksa married the second daughter of Emperor Haile Selassie I, Zenebe Work. The marriage between Woizero Zenebe Work and Dejazmatch Haile Selassie Guxa, as well as the marriage between the heir to the throne Asfa Wossen and Woizero Volet Israel Seyoum - the daughter of Ras Seyoum Mangasha, was intended to unite both branches of the Tigrayan dynasty with the imperial dynasty of Shoah. The emperor's calculations did not give the desired results. The marriage turned out to be fragile. Zenebe Work constantly complained to her father about the bad attitude of her husband and his family, and Haile Selassie Guxa himself was indignant that his second cousin and rival Mangasha Seyoum (son of Ras Seyoum Mangasha) already held the title of Ras when he himself held the title dejazmatcha. All this despite the fact that the province of Tigre was already divided between two branches of the Tigrayan dynasty of the heirs of Emperor Johannes IV. Western Tigray was ruled by Ras Seyoum Mangasha, and eastern Tigray by Ras Guksa Araya Selassie (father of Haile Selassie Guksa).
After the Italian invasion in 1935, everyone ruling circles Ethiopians were shocked; the dejazmatch Haile Selassie Guksa went over to the side of the Italians. The Italians gave him the title of Ras, and also recognized him as the eldest heir to the Tigrayan dynasty. At the end of the war, Seyoum Mangasha surrendered to Haile Selassie Guxa and was imprisoned by him.
After the liberation of Ethiopia in 1941 and the restoration of Haile Selassie I to the throne, Haile Selassie Guksa was declared a traitor and thrown behind bars. The title rasa assigned to him by the Italians was naturally not recognized and he remained with the title dejazmatch. Haile Selassie Guksa spent more than 30 years behind bars until the 1974 revolution, when he was released, but died shortly after his release. 
Italian soldiers and officers at the unveiling of a stele to those who fell in the Battle of Adua in 1896. In the center on horseback is the commander of the Italian troops, General Emilio de Bono.
"Those killed in Adua were avenged on 6.H. 1935." - so reads the inscription on this monument, officially unveiled here on October 13, 1935 by General Emilio De Bono, commander of the Italian colonial forces that captured Adua on October 6, 1935, thereby easing the 39-year pain of a humiliating defeat at the hands of the Ethiopians in 1896. 
An Italian priest conducts a service with a Blackshirt unit. Makale, December 11, 1935. 
Raising the flag by Italian troops over Makalle. 1935 
Blackshirts in Makale, December 11, 1935. 
An Orthodox priest blesses Abyssinian soldiers leaving for the front from the city of Harar. November 16, 1935.
Collection of humanitarian aid for the front in Addis Ababa.
An Italian Savoia-Marchetti SM.81 medium bomber bombs Ethiopia.
The Italian Savoia-Marchetti SM.81 medium bomber was adopted by the Regia Aeronautica in the spring of 1935. First combat use in December 1935 in Ethiopia. 
Negus Haile Selassie watches the Il Duce's "eagles" from the balcony of his palace. 1935 
Italian soldiers inspect the caves of Mount Amba-Alagi in which Ethiopian fighters were hiding. 
Abyssinian soldiers on the attack. 1936 
Italian Alpine skirmishers are fighting for Amba Aradam. 1936
Italian soldiers watch the bombardment of Ethiopian troops at the Battle of Amba Aradam. February 15, 1936.
Battle of Amba Aradam (mountain) (aka Battle of Enderta (province)) - battle on the Northern Front against Ras Muluget Yeggazi, commander of the army of the center (Mahel Sefari)
This battle consisted of attacks and counterattacks by Italian troops under Marshal of Italy Pietro Badoglio and Ethiopian troops under Ras Mulugeta Yeggazi. 
Ethiopian fighters killed in their mountaintop position at the Battle of Amba Aradam. February 1936.
Battle of Amba Aradam (mountain) (aka Battle of Enderta (province)) battle on the Northern Front against Ras Mulugeta Yeggazi who commanded the army of the center (Mahel Sefari)
The number of Italian troops participating in the battle was 70,000.
The number of Ethiopian troops participating in the battle was 80,000.
The Italians lost only 590 killed (modern estimates around 500)
The Ethiopians lost 5,000 killed (modern estimates up to 6,000). 
Major Giuseppe Bottai and Colonel Pelosi in the Amba Aradam area on February 16, 1936, with the Roman standard depicting the Capitoline she-wolf in the background.
Giuseppe Bottai (September 3, 1895 – January 9, 1959)
Italian statesman, lawyer, economist, journalist, governor of Rome, first Italian governor of Addis Ababa, minister of corporations and minister of national education. At the end of 1942, he openly declared his disappointment in B. Mussolini and his rejection of the war. Member of the Great Fascist Council. On February 5, 1943, among other opponents of rapprochement with Germany, Mussolini was replaced, but remained a member of the Great Fascist Council. In 1943, together with D. Grandi, he became one of the main organizers of a conspiracy within the fascist party, which ended at a meeting on July 25, 1943 with the overthrow of Mussolini. On January 10, 1944, he was sentenced to death in absentia by a fascist tribunal in Verona. After the end of the war, he was sentenced to prison in 1945 by an Italian court. In 1947 he was granted amnesty and returned to Italy. Until the end of his life he remained committed to nationalism.
A column of Italian troops passes the Maria Teresa cannons near Dire Dawa. 1936
The city of Dire Dawa was founded in 1902, when the construction of the French railway Djibouti - Addis Ababa has reached this location. Occupied without a fight by Italian troops on May 6, 1936. 
Italian soldiers during work in Ethiopia. 
Stopping artillery tractors. General Starace's column moves from the west around the lake. Tana, the southern tip of which he reached on April 29, 1936. 
An Italian Caproni Ca.101 bomber flies over Italian troops in the Gondar area. 
The commander of the Italian troops, Marshal Badoglio (Pietro Badoglio) in positions in Abyssinia. 1936
On November 30, 1935, Badoglio was sent to Massawa as commander of the expeditionary force in Ethiopia in connection with the failures of General de Bono in the Italo-Ethiopian War, whom the Duce removed from his post, and Pietro Badoglio appointed commander-in-chief of the Italian forces in Ethiopia.
Badoglio's inability for a long time to carry out a successful final offensive enraged Mussolini. He threatened to replace Badoglio with General Rodolfo Graziani. But nevertheless, it was under the command of Badoglio that Italian troops managed to occupy the capital of Ethiopia, Addis Ababa, on May 5, 1936 and win the war. Marshal Badoglio was appointed viceroy of the new colony and received the title Duke of Addis Ababa.
In 1937, Badoglio returned to Rome, where he continued to work on the General Staff. His new task was to coordinate the actions of the Italian corps in Spain, sent by Mussolini to help General Franco.
Houses of residents of Desse (Akhmara region) after bombing by Italian planes. 1936
Desse is one of the largest cities in Ethiopia. 
The Italians demolish the monument to Menelik II in Addis Ababa. 1936
Photo from the archive of Italian Brigadier General of the Italian Air Force Enrico Pezzi.
General Enrico Pezzi was eliminated Soviet troops during Operation Little Saturn on December 29, 1942, during the general’s attempt to provide assistance (on a Savoia Marchetti SM81 plane) to fascist troops surrounded in the area of the village. Chertkovo
Arrival after the defeat in the war of Negus Haile Selassie and his family in Haifa on the British light cruiser Enterprise on May 8, 1936. 
Stolen by Italian fascists from Addis Ababa, the “Lion of Judah” is a symbol of the ruling dynasty of the Negus of Ethiopia. It was brought by the Italians to Rome as a trophy, by ship and train. The photo shows the moment of unpacking the container with the trophy. Rome, Italy, February 22, 1937.
The memorial was erected by Ethiopian ruler Haile Selassie in 1930, shortly before his coronation. In 1935, it was stolen by the Italians and taken to Rome, where it was installed on the obelisk of the Dogale heroes near the monument to Vittorio Emanuele II. The monument returned to Ethiopia after long negotiations in the 60s of the 20th century and was installed in the presence of Emperor Haile Selassie. After the coup in Ethiopia in 1974, the military junta wanted to remove the monument as a symbol of empire. But the resistance of military veterans led to the cancellation of the decision and the lion remained in place. 
Italian obelisk to the Heroes of Dogali in Rome with the Lion of Judah installed. May 10, 1937.
The Dogali Obelisk (or the Baths Obelisk) is one of a composition of two obelisks, the second of which is located in the Boboli Gardens in Florence. It was built from red granite at the direction of Ramses II in Heliopolis. The height of the obelisk is 6.34 meters, width - 77 centimeters. Centuries later, the obelisk was found by archaeologist Rodolfo Lanciani during excavations on June 17, 1883 and was transported to Rome to decorate the Temple of Isis. The obelisk was left in its current state.
Four years later, 548 Italian soldiers died at the hands of the Ethiopian army in January 1887 at the Battle of Dogali during the First Ethiopian War of 1885-1896. It was decided to use this obelisk for the memorial to Italian soldiers. Therefore, it was called the Dogali obelisk and placed in “Piazza Cinquecento” (500 square), opposite the main railway station. The names of Italian soldiers who died during the battle were engraved on the pedestal. The opening ceremony of the obelisk took place on June 5, 1887. When the square was redeveloped in 1925, the obelisk was moved slightly north, to the Baths of Diocletian.
In 1937, after the conquest of Ethiopia, it was decorated with a bronze "Lion of Judah" brought from Addis Ababa, but after the fall of the fascist regime, the bronze lion was returned to Ethiopia by Negus Haile Selassie.
Station square and the Dire Dawa station building during the Italian occupation. 
Second Italo-Ethiopian War (Second Italo-Abyssinian War, Italo-Ethiopian War (1935-1936)) - a war between the Kingdom of Italy and Ethiopia, which resulted in the annexation of Ethiopia and the proclamation from it, along with the colonies of Eritrea and Italian Somalia, colonies of Italian East Africa. This war showed the inability of the League of Nations, of which both Italy and Ethiopia were members, in resolving international conflicts.
In this war, Italian troops widely used prohibited chemical weapons: mustard gas and phosgene. It is considered a harbinger of the Second World War (along with the Spanish Civil War). The victory in the war made Mussolini one of the most prominent and significant figures in European politics and showed the strength of the “Italian weapons”; it also prompted him to overestimate his strength and get involved in a war with Greece, ending in tears.
Benito Mussolini meets with Ethiopian collaborators in Rome. 1937
Fascism, which came to power in Italy, had a clear ideology of national superiority, which, of course, was contradicted by the continued existence of an independent African state created by Menelik II in Ethiopia. From the beginning of his reign, Duce Benito Mussolini proclaimed the course of creating a great Italian Empire similar to the Roman Empire.
Crowd in Piazza Venezia in Rome during Mussolini's speech on military mobilization. 1935
His plans included establishing control over the Mediterranean basin and northern Africa. Mussolini promised the people to make Italy equal to the main colonial empires: Great Britain and France. Ethiopia was the most convenient target for the implementation of the plans of the Italian dictator. There were several reasons for this. By that time, Ethiopia remained virtually the only fully independent country in Africa. The capture of Ethiopia would allow the unification of the Italian colonies of Eritrea and Italian Somalia. In addition, Ethiopia was weak militarily: many warriors from the native tribes were armed with spears and bows. Victory over Ethiopia would make it possible to wash away the shame of defeat at Adua that loomed over Italy.
Haile Selassie in full uniform on a white horse
Haile Selassie, who received absolute monarchical power in Ethiopia, unlike Menelik II, who created Ethiopia, did not have enough adequate feedback with his people (which he completely lost by the end of his reign). He could not even find reliable external allies, and, for example, Negus’ attempts to establish allied relations with the fascist regime of Japan (a real spiritual ally of Italian fascism) can be called completely inadequate and insane. Haile Selassie's failure to adequately assess the historical vector of Ethiopia's interests in the camp of anti-fascist forces cost the people of Ethiopia dearly. But, realizing that war with Italy was inevitable, Negus announced a general mobilization in September 1935. He managed to mobilize about 500 thousand people.
Parade of Abyssinian troops. 1935
Despite the solid number of troops, the country lacked modern weapons. Many warriors were armed with spears and bows, most of the firearms were obsolete rifles produced before 1900. According to Italian estimates, by the beginning of the war, Ethiopian troops numbered from 350 to 760 thousand people, but only a quarter of the soldiers had received at least minimal military training . In total, the army had approximately 400 thousand rifles of various manufacturers and years of production, about 200 units of obsolete artillery, about 50 light and heavy anti-aircraft guns.
The Ethiopians had several armored Ford trucks and a small number of tanks from the First World War. The Ethiopian Air Force consisted of 12 outdated biplanes, of which only 3 were operational. The best units were Haile Selassie's personal guard - Kebur Zabanga. These troops are quite well trained and better equipped. But the Imperial Guard wore the khaki uniform of the Belgian Army, unlike the rest of the army, which wore white cotton uniforms. In Ethiopian conditions, this made them an excellent target for Italian soldiers.
Abyssinian warriors. 1935
The main part of the Italian army before the invasion of Ethiopia was deployed in Eritrea, where in 1935 5 divisions of the regular army and 5 divisions of the Blackshirts arrived; at the same time, one division of the regular army and several battalions of blackshirts arrived in Italian Somalia.
Italian soldiers say goodbye to their families before being sent to Abyssinia.
These forces alone (excluding the army already stationed in East Africa, native units and units that arrived during the war) consisted of 7 thousand officers and 200 thousand privates and were equipped with 6 thousand machine guns, 700 guns, 150 tankettes and 150 by plane. The overall command of the Italian forces in East Africa until November 1935 was exercised by General Emilio de Bono, and from November 1935 by Field Marshal Pietro Badoglio.
The Northern Front (in Eritrea) consisted of five corps, the 1st was commanded by Ruggiero Santini, the 2nd by Pietro Maravina, the 3rd by Adalbetro Bergamo (then Ettore Bastico), and the Eritrean Corps by Alessandro Pirzio Biroli. The forces of the Southern Front (in Somalia) were mostly concentrated in a column commanded by General Rodolfo Graziani.
Italian General de Bono (left, with a beard) in conversation with the “traitor” Koeksa.
On October 3, 1935, at 5 a.m., without a declaration of war, the Italian army invaded Ethiopia from Eritrea and Somalia; At the same time, Italian aircraft began bombing the city of Adua.
Troops under the leadership of Marshal Emilio De Bono, stationed on Eritrean territory, crossed the border river Mareb and launched an offensive in the direction of Addigrat - Adua - Axum. At the same time, in the south, from the territory of Italian Somalia, an army under the command of General Rodolfo Graziani crossed the border and began an offensive in the direction of Corrahe - Harar. At 10:00 Haile Selassie I ordered general mobilization. He personally took charge of the military operations: an example of his leadership is the order of October 19.
The population of Addis Ababa learns about the beginning of the war. 1935
Tents should be set up inside caves, under the cover of trees or in the forest, if the place is suitable, and separated by platoon. Tents should be placed at a distance of 30 cubits from one another
Having noticed an airplane in the distance, you need to immediately leave a large, clearly visible road or open field, and move on, sticking to narrow valleys and trenches, along winding roads, trying to stay close to the forest or tree plantations.
For targeted bombing, the aircraft needs to descend to a height of about 100 meters; as soon as this happens, it should fire a friendly salvo from reliable, long guns, and immediately disperse. A plane hit by 3 or 4 bullets will crash to the ground. Only those to whom such orders have been given, and whose weapons have been specifically determined to be suitable for the task, should fire; indiscriminate shooting will only waste ammunition and reveal the location of the squad to the enemy.
Armed Abyssinians in an ambush, 1935.
Due to the fact that, as the aircraft gains altitude, it fixes the position of people, it is safer for the squad to remain dispersed as long as the aircraft is in sufficient proximity. Due to the fact that in war it is common for the enemy to choose as a target decorated shields, braid, cloaks embroidered with silver and gold, silk shirts, etc. Therefore, equally for those who wear outerwear or do not have it, it will be preferable to use shirts of dull colors flowers with narrow sleeves.
When, with God's help, we return, you will be allowed to adorn yourself again with gold and silver. But now is the time to fight. We give you these tips in the hope of protecting you from the dangers that come with indiscretion. We also inform you that we are ready to fight shoulder to shoulder with our subjects and shed our blood in the name of a free Ethiopia...
Abyssinian machine gunners. 1935
However, these instructions were of little help to the Ethiopian warriors in their actions against the modern army. Most of the Ethiopian commanders were passive, some feudal lords generally refused to obey orders from the imperial headquarters, and many, out of arrogance, did not want to adhere to guerrilla warfare tactics. Nobility in the Ethiopian army from the very beginning came first, to the detriment of talent. Tribal leaders were appointed as three commanders of the fronts - the Kasa, Syum and Getachow races.
The Italian offensive in Ethiopia was carried out in three directions, according to which three fronts emerged in the Ethiopian theater of military operations: Northern, Southern (South-Eastern) and Central. The main role in the capture of the country was assigned to the Northern Front, where the main forces of the expeditionary army were concentrated. The Southern Front was faced with the task of pinning down as many Ethiopian troops as possible and supporting the offensive of the Northern Front units with a strike on Harar, in order to then connect with the “northern” units in the Addis Ababa area.
An even more limited goal was set for the group of troops of the Central Front (moving from Assab through Ausa to Dessa), which was charged with the responsibility of linking the armies of the Northern and Southern Fronts and securing their inner flanks. The most important operational location was Addis Ababa. By capturing it, the Italians hoped to proclaim complete success in their campaign to conquer Ethiopia.
Italian artillery in action. 1935
The combat positions of the Ethiopians were negatively affected by the disunity of their armies on the Northern and Southern fronts. Due to the lack of an extensive network of roads and a sufficient number of vehicles, this prevented the timely transfer of reinforcements. Unlike the Italians, the Ethiopians did not actually have a central group of troops opposing the invading enemy units in the Ausa area. The Ethiopians relied on the armed forces of the Sultan of Ausa and the inaccessibility of the desert region of Danakil; They did not foresee that the Sultan would defect to the enemy and that the Italian units, traveling on camels, would be provided with food and water by transport planes from Assab. However, the fate of the war was decided on the Northern Front.
Abyssinian soldiers. 1935
The stronghold of the Ethiopian troops soon became the city of Desse, where the emperor's headquarters moved from Addis Ababa on November 28, 1935.
Huts of the inhabitants of Dessay after the bombing of Italian planes. 1936
In October - November 1935, the Italians captured the cities of Tigre province. Ethiopian counteroffensive attempts were not always unsuccessful. In December, Ras Ymru - Haile Selassie's cousin - launched a successful attack on Axum; On December 15, a 3,000-strong army crossed the river. Tekaze is about 50 km southwest of Adua. As soon as the Ethiopians were on the right bank, a fierce battle ensued with the enemy, another Ethiopian unit quietly penetrated into the rear and crossed the river below the crossing of the main forces of the Ymru race.
Haile Selassie demanded decisive action from the Kasa and Syyum races operating in the central direction of the Northern Front. A unit under the command of Hailu Kabbede, consisting of soldiers of the Kasa and Syyum races, during a bloody 4-day battle liberated the city of Abiy Addi, which occupied an important strategic position in Tembepe, a forested mountainous area west of Mekele. Here the Ethiopian soldiers took quite strong positions.
Payment of salaries in the Abyssinian army. 1935
The failures infuriated Mussolini, for whom the war was his first full-fledged military campaign. The Duce tried to personally direct military operations from Italy. Old Marshal De Bono often did not pay attention to instructions from Rome, although he did not openly object to Mussolini, but acted according to the situation, trying to adapt to the conditions of Ethiopia. Meanwhile, the war revealed a lot of shortcomings in the Italian army. It was poorly equipped and poorly supplied; looting, trade in medals and the “black market” flourished in military units. The rivalry between army units and the fascist police, who enjoyed many benefits, adversely affected the mood in the troops.
Italians in Abyssinia. 1935.
Having removed Marshal De Bono, Mussolini in December 1935 ordered the new commander, Marshal Badoglio, to use chemical weapons, violating the 1925 Geneva Convention.
Marshal Badoglio (left) after the removal of General Bono (right, with beard) in Asmara. November 1935.
Italian aircraft systematically carried out raids deep into Ethiopian territory, bombing peaceful targets.
The Italians are loading grenades and other ammunition onto the plane.
Haile Selassie later wrote: We attacked the enemy’s machine-gun nests, his artillery, we captured tanks with our bare hands, we endured aerial bombardments, but we could do nothing against the poisonous gases that imperceptibly fell on our faces and hands.
Abyssinian soldiers in gas masks. 1935
On October 7, 1935, the League of Nations recognized Italy as an aggressor, and on November 18, the Council of the League of Nations imposed economic sanctions against Italy, which were joined by 51 states. However, the embargo did not apply to oil, coal and metal. England did not dare to close the Suez Canal to Italian ships, the United States announced its intention not to sell weapons to both warring parties. The Soviet Union resolutely defended the state sovereignty of Ethiopia, although it did not have diplomatic relations with it. On September 5, 1935, the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR M. M. Litvinov, at a meeting of the League Council, drew attention to the fact that “there is an undoubted threat of war, a threat of aggression, which is not only not denied, but, on the contrary, confirmed by the representative of Italy himself. Can we get past this threat? "
On behalf of the Soviet government, he invited the Council “to stop at no effort or means to prevent an armed conflict between two members of the League.” A few days later, at a meeting of the General Assembly of the League of Nations, the head of the Soviet delegation again called on the states responsible for maintaining peace to take all measures to pacify the aggressor. However, this high international organization did nothing to protect Ethiopia. The inaction of the League of Nations gave a free hand to Rome, which was completing its final preparations for war. These half-hearted measures actually left Ethiopia at the mercy of the aggressor.
British Secretary of State for International Relations Samuel Hoare and French Prime Minister Pierre Laval in December 1935 proposed to Italy and Ethiopia the Hoare-Laval plan, according to which Ethiopia was to cede the Ogaden and Tigre provinces and the Danakil region to Italy, accept Italian advisers into the service and provide Italy with exclusive economic benefits; in exchange for this, Italy had to give Ethiopia access to the sea in the area of the city of Assab. Since this plan was clearly disadvantageous for Ethiopia, it rejected the proposal. In October 1935, Italy's actions were condemned by the Congress of Italian Emigrants in Brussels. The war showed the ineffectiveness of the League of Nations as an instrument for resolving international conflicts.
French Prime Minister Laval (left) goes to a meeting of the League of Nations on September 5, 1935, where the issue of the Italo-Ethiopian conflict will be considered.
Abyssinian artillerymen. 1935.
Italian tanks in action. 1935
The sentry is on alert. 1935
Soldiers behind the parapet with rifles at the ready. 1935
Porters in the war correspondents' camp. 1935
Italian cavalry crosses the river. 1935
Italian tanks attack primitive fortifications around Adigrat.
A soldier seeks shelter behind a cactus. 1935
Italian troops are preparing anti-aircraft guns for battle. 1935
Front line near Adigrat in Abyssinia. Abyssinians with a machine gun in the grass. 1935
Front line near Adigrat in Abyssinia. Abyssinian snipers in the grass with a rifle at the ready.
Advance of tanks. Tanks have a great disadvantage when passing tall basalt blocks that are scattered across the landscape.
War Correspondents Camp, 1935.
Abyssinian warriors in a corn field.
Captain Ayele from the Ogaden province with a rifle under the cover of a rock.
Cavalry attack 1935.
Italian troops on the march. 1935
The expansion plans of Italian fascism included the seizure of vast territories in Africa, the Balkans and the Danube basin, and throughout the Mediterranean. Main object fascist aggression Ethiopia becomes the only state in East Africa that, due to a number of circumstances (great power rivalry, exceptionally advantageous strategic position, patriotism and courage of the people, complex geographical conditions) managed to maintain political independence. Victory over Ethiopia would make it possible to wash away the shame of defeat at Adua that loomed over Italy. Also, Mussolini promised the Italian people to make Italy equal to the main colonial empires: Great Britain and France.
Situated on the shortest route from the Mediterranean and Red Seas to the Arabian Sea and Indian Ocean, it represented an important strategic position. The capture of Ethiopia would allow the unification of the Italian colonies of Eritrea and Italian Somalia. In addition, Ethiopia was weak militarily: many warriors from the native tribes were armed with spears and bows. Most of firearms were obsolete rifles manufactured before 1900. According to Italian estimates, by the beginning of the war the Ethiopian troops numbered from 350 to 760 thousand people, but only a quarter of the soldiers had received at least minimal military training. In total, the army had approximately 400 thousand rifles of various manufacturers and years of production, about 200 units of obsolete artillery, about 50 light and heavy anti-aircraft guns. The Ethiopians had several armored Ford trucks and a small number of tanks from the First World War. The Ethiopian Air Force consisted of 12 outdated biplanes, of which only 3 were operational.
Italy's preparations for the seizure of Ethiopia began, according to Mussolini, back in 1925. At first it was planned to annex it “peacefully” with the help of a treaty of friendship (1928). However, this failed. Then, starting in the autumn of 1932, the Italian imperialists began carefully developing plans for an armed invasion and enslavement of the Ethiopian state. This was followed by immediate preparation for an attack on Ethiopia. Troops were concentrated in Eritrea, Somalia and Libya (Italian colonies), seaports, airfields, and military bases were built and reconstructed, and highways were built to the Ethiopian borders. In three years, an armed force of 1,300,000 people was deployed in the metropolis and colonies. More than 155 were purchased to transport the expeditionary army. sea vessels. To wage war, Italy sharply increased purchases from the United States of weapons, aircraft, aircraft engines, spare parts, oil, raw materials and other military goods. England expanded supplies of coal, nickel and other strategic materials to Italy. In nine months of 1935, Germany sold Italy four times as much coal and twice as many cars as during the same period in 1934. French Renault factories supplied tanks to the Italian army; imports of cars into the Italian colonies increased 20 times. The government of B. Mussolini provoked military clashes on the Ethiopian borders, carried out subversive activities, trying to cause civil strife in the country, hiding behind the slogans of a “civilizing mission” and “establishing order in Abyssinia.” Quote:
“...Wasn’t it absurd to talk about Abyssinia as a sovereign state, when it was nothing more than a collection of heterogeneous tribes, subject to leaders primitive in their thinking, most of whom, including Haile Selassie, were revered by Italy, perhaps for the sole reason that they were converted to some semblance of the Christian faith? It was absurd to even deny the undoubted fact that Italy would have a beneficial effect on Abyssinia. After all, none other than Great Britain itself opposed the admission of this barbaric country to the League of Nations when Italy made a proposal for Abyssinia’s membership in this world organization in order to identify the limits of English claims. With the help of Italy, internecine wars and slavery in Abyssinia will be stopped, and the Abyssinian people will gain innumerable social benefits."
However, in such information there were no hints that, with the help of Italy, the Abyssinian people would be able to experience endless benefits only through physical destruction.
On December 5, 1934, 100-150 km from the border with Italian Somalia, a serious incident occurred in the Ual-Uala area. The Italian garrison suddenly attacked the Ethiopian military detachment. As a result of the armed provocation, both sides suffered heavy losses. The government of Negus Ras Tafari Haile Selassie I appealed to the League of Nations with a request to prevent Italian aggression and avert the mortal threat looming over the country, which is a member of the League of Nations. Only nine months after the events in Wal-Wal did the Council of the League of Nations begin to discuss the Italo-Ethiopian conflict. As always in such cases, the aggressor tried to prove the “legitimacy” of his predatory actions. Mussolini told an English journalist about the facts of violence and cruelty on the part of the Abyssinians towards Italian soldiers, and soon even proposed expelling Ethiopia from the League of Nations. Representatives of capitalist states, who verbally advocated for the right of all members of the League of Nations to independence, did not make any constructive proposals. It all came down to the creation of a “committee of five” (England, France, Spain, Poland and Turkey) for the purpose of a general study of Italian-Ethiopian relations and finding means for a peaceful resolution of the issue. The Soviet Union resolutely defended the state sovereignty of Ethiopia, although it did not have diplomatic relations with it. On September 5, 1935, People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR M. M. Litvinov, at a meeting of the League Council, drew attention to the fact that “there is an undoubted threat of war, a threat of aggression, which is not only not denied, but, on the contrary, confirmed by the representative of Italy himself. Can we get past this threat?..” On behalf of the Soviet government, he invited the Council “to stop at no effort or means to prevent an armed conflict between two members of the League.” A few days later, at a meeting of the General Assembly of the League of Nations, the head of the Soviet delegation again called on the states responsible for maintaining peace to take all measures to pacify the aggressor. However, this international organization did nothing to protect Ethiopia. The inaction of the League of Nations gave a free hand to Rome, which was completing its final preparations for war.
Fascist states increasingly seized the initiative in international relations. This gave them significant advantages in carrying out aggressive plans. Germany was quite happy that Italy's expansion was aimed at the south and, therefore, its attention to Central and South-Eastern Europe, where German interests collided with Italian ones, would be diverted for a long time. In addition, public opinion, the German government believed, would inevitably be focused on Italian aggression in Africa.
France also sought to take advantage of the created situation, which intended, at the expense of Ethiopia, to strengthen relations with Italy, prevent its rapprochement with Germany and achieve a weakening of England’s position in the states of Asia and Africa. At the beginning of January 1935, French Prime Minister P. Laval met with Mussolini. The Italian dictator confidentially shared his plans with him. The visit resulted in a declaration on Franco-Italian cooperation published on January 7. An agreement was reached to change the Franco-Italian border in Africa. France made significant concessions, transferring to Italy 20 percent of the shares of the railway connecting the French port of Djibouti with Addis Ababa (the capital of Ethiopia), and 125 thousand square meters. km of territory adjacent to the southern border with Libya, and also agreed to extend until 1965 benefits for Italian settlers in Tunisia. Later, Laval boastfully stated that he “gave Mussolini this Ethiopia.” The French prime minister explained his concessions to the Italian aggressor by the fact that France would also benefit from this, since it catalyzed the expansion of Italy in Africa instead of South-Eastern Europe, in which French capital had serious economic interests.
According to American Ambassador in Germany Dodd, in this deal the French government recommended that Italy carry out the seizure of Ethiopia in parts. Dodd wrote in his diary: “I had an interesting conversation with the French diplomat Armand Berard, who frankly said: “We concluded a pact with Italy, although Mussolini is very unpleasant to us ... and we had to promise him the annexation of Abyssinia. I hope Mussolini is smart enough to annex this country piece by piece like we did in Morocco. We insisted on this to the Italians...”
The results of secret negotiations between Laval and Mussolini were brought to the attention of London. The Foreign Office (British Foreign Office) made it clear that unless British interests in Lake Tana and the Blue Nile were affected, England did not intend to oppose Italian aggression. Its main concern, as Foreign Minister D. Simon reported in February 1935, was to take a position in the Italo-Ethiopian conflict that would not have “an adverse effect on Anglo-Italian relations.” According to the English journalist J. Price, a similar idea was expressed by R. MacDonald (former prime minister of two Labor governments) in a conversation with Mussolini. The Duce asked how England would react to the fact that his army was invading Ethiopia. The British political leader cynically replied: “England is a lady. Women like actively offensive actions of men, but subject to secrecy. Therefore, act tactfully, and we will not object.” This position was confirmed by the conference in Stresa (April 1935), at which representatives of England and France made it clear to representatives of Italy that their governments were not going to interfere with Mussolini’s aggressive actions against Ethiopia if this did not shake their positions in the colonies.
The United States of America also pursued a policy of assisting the Italian aggressor. Back in 1934, the American government refused to mediate on the issue of Ethiopia and did its best to ensure that it “realized that no one in the world would help it,” finally abandoned “exaggerated ideas about independence and agreed with the moderate demands of Italy.” On August 31, 1935, when the invasion of Ethiopia was already a foregone conclusion, the American Congress passed a neutrality law that prohibited the export of military materials to warring countries. This meant that the invader, who was not so dependent on the import of war materials, received real advantage before the victim of aggression.
Thus, the ruling circles of France, England, the USA and, naturally, Germany firmly took a course towards encouraging the aggression of Italian fascism.
Taking advantage of the lack of unity in the politics of England and France and enlisting the support of Laval, who was then in power in France, Mussoli
neither launched an attack on Ethiopia in October 1935.
The war was not an ordinary colonial conquest. It was a war for the redivision of the world, started by fascism. It threatened not only the independence of the Ethiopian people, but was directed against England, against her sea routes to Asia and, in particular, to India.
Sending Italian troops from Naples to Ethiopia. Photo. 1935
Preparations for the attack on Ethiopia, according to De Bono, began no later than the autumn of 1933, took a long time and took on the character of preparations for a big war. They were accompanied by the transfer of the Italian economy to a war footing, the militarization of workers at military enterprises, etc. More than one million people were drafted into the army. The campaign against Ethiopia was launched without a declaration of war. The military forces of fascism in Ethiopia were increased to 600 thousand people. They had a thousand aircraft (mostly bombers), approximately 500 tanks, 600 guns and more than 6 thousand machine guns. The war was accompanied by organized mass robbery and extermination of civilians.
Ethiopia in the 30s was an underdeveloped feudal state. As a result of the colonial conquests carried out in Africa by England, Fran
tion and Italy, it found itself surrounded by the possessions of these powers and cut off from the sea, but acute interstate contradictions prevented its transformation into a colony.
In 1923, with the assistance of France, Ethiopia was admitted to the League of Nations.
The country's diverse and multilingual population numbered up to 10 million people. The main occupation was agriculture. Huge steppe expanses created favorable conditions for the development of cattle breeding, but agriculture was at a very low level. Methods of cultivating the land have hardly changed since ancient times. Extremely primitive tools were used: wood, bone, stone. Hoes with an iron tip were rare; for the most part, simply sticks with an iron nail at the end were used. The peasants gave the prince up to one-third of the harvest, a fifth of the livestock and, moreover, paid onerous taxes in favor of the church and state.
Slave labor was also used. These were mainly prisoners captured in internecine wars or in raids on African tribes outside the country. Slave labor was used almost exclusively in household princes.
By level industrial development Ethiopia stood in one of the last places in the world. There was no national industry, with the exception of handicrafts and handicraft production.
Administratively, the country was divided into seven provinces, ruled by races (feudal princes), weakly subordinate to the central government. The head of state was the emperor - negus-negusti (king of kings).
Since 1916, the de facto ruler of Ethiopia was Ras Tafari Makkonen, the son of Ras Makkonen, one of the prominent military leaders of Emperor Menelik II, the victor of Adua. He first ruled as regent, then was crowned negus (king), and in 1930, after the death of Empress Zauditu, became emperor under the name Haile Selasie I.
He represented a group of so-called Young Ethiopians, who expressed the interests of the emerging commercial bourgeoisie and part of the feudal lords - supporters of pro-government
progressive transformations. The Young Ethiopians sought to consolidate the country and strengthen its independence. In 1931, Haile Selasie promulgated a constitution aimed mainly at centralization public administration. 
Issuing weapons to volunteers in Addis Ababa. Photo. 1935
Despite the overwhelming technical superiority of the Italian army, victory in Ethiopia was not easy and did not come quickly. During the war, Mussolini had to remove the old fascist general De Bono from his post as commander of the armed forces in East Africa and replace him with Marshal Badoglio, who did not enjoy the sympathy of the fascist party.
In this war, fascism achieved victory not so much thanks to the fighting qualities of its army, but as a result of the use of numerous, compared to the scale of the war, aviation and toxic substances against the Ethiopian people, as well as due to the betrayal of the leaders of some tribes. 
On October 3, 1935, Italian troops crossed the Mareb border river without declaring war and invaded Ethiopia. They delivered the main blow in the northern direction from Eritrea to the cities of Adigrat - Adua - Aksum and further along the Makale - Dessie - Addis Ababa line.
3 Zak. 1381
This direction basically coincided with the so-called imperial road - a dirt road from Eritrea to Addis Ababa. Two-thirds of the Italian army was concentrated here under the command of General de Bono and later Marshal Badoglio, who was appointed commander-in-chief of the Italian army in November 1935.
In the southern direction, from Somalia to Gorrahey - Xapap - Diredava, the troops of General Graziani were advancing; it, like the direction from Assab to Dessie, was of secondary importance. In these two directions, Italian troops were only tasked with pinning down the Ethiopian military forces, pulling them away from the decisive northern direction.
On the first day of the war, Emperor Haile Selasie issued an order for general mobilization. The Ethiopian people rose up in a defensive war against the threat of enslavement by Italian fascism.
The total strength of the Ethiopian army was about 350 thousand people. The military formations were commanded by the races. They were weakly subordinate to the emperor's high command and usually cared only about protecting their own possessions. The supply of the army was carried out very primitively. The equipment and supplies of a wealthy man were carried by his slaves, while that of a poor man was carried by his wife.
Weak, backward in organizational issue and technically, the Ethiopian army had to withstand the onslaught of numerous fascist troops, well armed, equipped with hundreds of aircraft, tanks, guns, thousands of trucks. However, despite the enormous superiority in forces, the Italian troops were unable to achieve victory in a short time.
The bulk of the Ethiopian army in the north, led by Ras Seyum, was located in the Adua region. His subordinate Ras Guxa (the emperor's son-in-law) and his troops were supposed to hold the defense in Makalla, the main city of the Tigre province. In the northwest of Tigray, Ras Ayuelu Burru was with his troops, who were supposed to invade Eritrea.
In the south of Ethiopia there are armies of the Nesibu (in the Harar region) and Desta (north of Dolo) races.
Soon after the outbreak of hostilities, Ras Seyum left Adua, and Ras Guksa, bribed by the Italians,
came over to their side. Thus, the line of defense in the north was broken in the very first days of the war.
The Ethiopian command tried to rectify the situation. In early November, an army under the command of the Minister of War Ras Mulugeta approached the area south of Makalle from Addis Ababa; 
The city of Dessies after the bombing by Italian invaders. Photo. 1935
ska race Imru, south of the province of Gojam and in the area south of Adua - troops of the Kassa race from Gondar.
These military leaders acted separately and did not support each other. Nevertheless, Ethiopian troops, using the conditions of the mountainous terrain, stubbornly resisted the Italian invaders. The Ethiopians set up ambushes, intercepted Italian communications, penetrated behind enemy lines, and fought fiercely for every kilometer of land.
The war dragged on. In February 1936, in the fifth month of the war, the Italian army on the Northern Front was no further than 100 km from the border. This situation was observed in other areas, despite Mussolini's insistence on moving faster.
The Italian fascists brutally dealt with Ethiopian soldiers, partisans, and often the unarmed population. “Burn and destroy everything that can be burned and destroyed,” General Graziani ordered
to his subordinates. “Wipe from the face of the earth everything that can be erased.”
Italian aircraft bombed defenseless villages, cities, and Red Cross hospitals. To top it all off, the fascists, trampling on international treaties, started a chemical war. The Ethiopians had neither gas masks nor other means of chemical defense. Haile Selasie describes in his memoirs as follows: chemical attack fascists: “A brutal bombing has begun. People threw their rifles, covered their eyes with their hands and fell to the ground... So many people died that day that I do not have the courage to name their number. Almost the entire army of the Seyum race died in the valley of the Takkaze River from gases. Of the 30 thousand warriors of the Imru race, only 15 thousand returned from Semien. We attacked tanks, we endured aerial bombardments, but we could not do anything against toxic substances.”
The Nazis exterminated the civilian population with gases, sowing destruction and death everywhere.
The tragic outcome was accelerated by a miscalculation of the Ethiopian command. The Emperor withdrew from maneuver warfare and at the end of March sent a large number of troops into a desperate offensive against Italian positions near Lake Ashangi. This attack crashed against the might of the enemy's military equipment. Italian long-range artillery shot at the advancing Ethiopian units with impunity, and aircraft rained bombs and chemical agents on them. The Ethiopians lost over 8 thousand killed, while Italian losses were small. The Battle of Lake Ashangi was lost, regular army Ethiopia is defeated, the path to Addis Ababa is open. In May 1936, Addis Ababa was occupied by Italian troops. A few days earlier, Emperor Haile Selasie I left the country. In May, King Victor Emmanuel of Italy issued a decree on the annexation of Ethiopia to Italy. Soon Ethiopia, Eritrea and Italian Somalia were united into Italian East Africa.
Connivance Western countries gave even more impudence to Italian as well as German fascism and encouraged them to jointly intervene in Spain.
The attack of Mussolini and Hitler on Spain was aimed at drowning the republican system in blood and laying hands on food and raw materials resources
sy of the country and turn its territory, islands, Spanish Morocco and Gibraltar into strongholds for the new imperialist war they were preparing. As documented, Mussolini incited the Spanish monarchists to revolt against the republic back in the year. A few months before the mutiny of General Franco, preparations for intervention were already underway in Italy.
The conquest of Ethiopia and the intervention in Spain materially weakened Italy, significantly reducing the military equipment of the army, and sharply worsening the financial and economic situation of the country.
Before the war with Ethiopia, Musolini solemnly declared more than once that he would never allow Austria to be captured by Germany. When Hitler orchestrated the assassination of the head of the Austrian government, Dollfuss, in June 1934 with the aim of occupying Austria, Mussolini moved Italian troops to the Austrian border to prevent annexation. Hitler then had to give in. After this, many believed that a rupture was inevitable between the two fascist leaders due to the struggle for dominance over the Danube countries and the Balkans.
Mussolini's supporters, anticipating ample opportunities for conquest and large military booty from an alliance with Hitler, capitulated to Hitler's Germany.
During the occupation of Ethiopia by Italian fascists, the local population was viewed as an “inferior race.” Ethiopians were evicted from Addis Ababa and other cities, special quarters were allocated for them, and they were prohibited from using transport.
The Italian fascists unleashed brutal repression on the Ethiopian people. During the years of war and the colonial regime in Ethiopia, more than 484 thousand people were killed, died from hunger, disease, and bombing. In addition, 275 thousand people were gassed.
The terror especially intensified after the assassination attempt on Marshal Graziani in Addis Ababa on February 19, 1937 by two young Ethiopians. The collection, subsequently published by the Ethiopian Department of Press and Information, contained terrible facts: “Ethiopians were attacked in the streets, in squares, in gardens and in their homes. Bombs, machine guns, and rifles were used. The city [Addis Ababa] was ok
surrounded by barbed wire and cordoned off by troops. Anyone found was shot. The corpses were piled up... Houses were burned, and in many cases their owners and their families remained in the houses, locked up and burned alive... Such is the humanity and civilization that fascism brought to Ethiopia.” Representatives of the Ethiopian nobility, military leaders, intelligentsia - everyone who could organize resistance to the invaders were exterminated. The number of victims of these massacres, according to eyewitnesses, reached 6 thousand in Addis Ababa alone, and 30 thousand throughout the country.
“... I cannot deny,” Graziani reported to the Colonial Ministry, “that some of the executed Ethiopians before their deaths exclaimed: “Long live an independent Ethiopia!” For several months after the capture of Addis Ababa by the invaders, Ras Desta fought with the invaders in the south of the country, in the province of Sidamo, with his soldiers, then was shot by the Italians. In the west, in the province of Jimma, Ras Imru fought until the end of 1936. Later, when organized resistance to the Ethiopian army ceased, the fight was continued by partisan detachments led by tribal leaders. In many provinces it did not stop throughout the fascist occupation.
A group of Ethiopian intellectuals formed the Committee of Unity and Cooperation to fight against the occupiers. The committee printed leaflets and established contact with partisan detachments. Under the leadership of this committee, an uprising broke out in Gojam in 1938.
The partisan army operated in the Ankober area. It was commanded by a young Ethiopian, Abeba Aregai. He united small partisan detachments into a large military formation numbering up to 100 thousand people, and kept the entire Addis Ababa district under attack. The partisans carried out surprise raids on the invaders, taking away their weapons and ammunition. The Italians could not completely subjugate the interior of the country.
