Polish War 1830 1831. Polish uprising (1830)
The Polish uprising of 1863-1864 (January uprising 1863) was a national liberation uprising of Poles against Russia, which covered the territory of the Kingdom of Poland, Lithuania and parts of Belarus and Right-Bank Ukraine.
The reason for the uprising was the desire of the leading part of Polish society to gain national independence and restore statehood. The rise of the Polish national movement was facilitated by successes in liberation and unification, the growth of democratic forces in European countries, the creation and activities of secret radical democratic organizations in Russia. Polish patriotic organizations, which arose in the late 1850s among students and officers of the Russian army, began preparing an uprising in agreement with the Russian conspirators.
At the end of 1861, two main political camps had formed in the national movement, which were called the “White” and “Red” parties. The “Whites” represented predominantly moderate noble and bourgeois circles and advocated the tactics of “passive opposition”, which made it possible to obtain political autonomy for the Kingdom and, additionally, according to the borders of 1772, Lithuanian, Belarusian and Ukrainian lands. The “Reds” included heterogeneous socio-political elements (mainly the gentry, the petty bourgeoisie, the intelligentsia, and partly the peasantry), who were united by the desire to obtain the full independence of Poland by armed means and restore the state within the borders of 1772 (only part of the “Reds” recognized the rights of Lithuanians, Belarusians and Ukrainians to self-determination).
Conservative-aristocratic circles, led by Margrave A. Wielopolsky, advocated reaching an agreement with tsarism through certain concessions in favor of the autonomy of the Kingdom. In June 1862, the “Reds” created the Central National Committee (CNC), in which the leading role was played by J. Dombrowski, Z. Padlevsky, B. Schwartz, A. Hiller (developed a plan for an armed uprising). Members of the “Committee of Russian Officers in Poland,” one of the founders and leaders of which was the Ukrainian A. Potebnya, took part in the preparation for the uprising. The Committee foresaw that the uprising in Poland would give impetus to the all-Russian revolution. The start of the uprising was set for the spring of 1863.
CSC formed secret committees in the Kingdom, as well as in Lithuania, Belarus and Right Bank Ukraine, had its representatives in European countries. Trying to weaken the “Red” organizations, the government, on the initiative of A. Wielopolsky, announced an extraordinary recruitment according to pre-prepared lists, in which there were many conspirators, which was the reason for the uprising. On January 10 (22), 1863, the Central People's Commissariat proclaimed the beginning of a national uprising, and called itself a temporary national government. At the call of the Central Committee of People's Commissars, rebel detachments attacked the royal garrisons.
The CNK issued a manifesto to the Polish people and decrees on the abolition of corvée and the proclamation of peasants as owners of their plots with subsequent compensation to landowners for lost lands. In February 1863, the Central People's Commissariat appealed to Ukrainian peasants to join the uprising. However, the peasants did not support the action, not sharing the encroachments of the Polish gentry on Ukrainian lands. Mostly Polish gentry took part in the armed detachments in the Kiev region and Volyn. The largest of these detachments, under the leadership of V. Rudnitsky and E. Ruzhitsky, tried to resist the tsarist troops, but already at the end of May they were forced to cross the Austrian border.
In May 1863, the CNK turned into the National Government (NU), created an extensive underground administrative network (police, taxes, post office, etc.), for a long time successfully operated in parallel with the tsarist administration. From the beginning of the uprising there were significant differences between the “whites” and the “reds”. The “Whites” counted on the intervention of Western powers and opposed the radical socio-political plans of the “Reds”. Attempts to put dictators at the head of the uprising - first L. Mieroslavsky from the “Reds”, and then M. Lyangevich from the “Whites” - did not bring the desired results. The Western powers limited themselves to diplomatic demarches.
On October 17, 1863, the “Reds”, having captured NU, appointed a new dictator, General R. Traugutt. The latter's attempts to strengthen the uprising failed. In the summer of 1863, the Tsar appointed M. Muravyov as Governor-General of Lithuania and Belarus (North-Western Territory), and F. Berg as Governor-General of the Kingdom, who, in order to suppress the uprising, resorted to brutal repression and terror. At the same time, in early March 1864, the government announced decrees on peasant reform, which was carried out on more favorable terms for the peasants than in other lands of the empire.
By September 1864 the uprising was suppressed, only individual detachments held out until the beginning of 1865. Russian government brutally dealt with the participants in the uprising: hundreds of Poles were executed, thousands were exiled to Siberia or sent to the army, and their property was confiscated. The Russian government abolished what remained of the Kingdom's autonomy. The January uprising, becoming the most massive and democratic of all Polish national liberation uprisings of the 19th century, contributed to the growth of national consciousness among ever wider sections of Polish society.
In 1830-31, an uprising took place on the territory of the Kingdom of Poland, directed against the authorities of St. Petersburg. A whole range of reasons led to the start of the uprising:
- Poles' disappointment in Alexander's liberal policies Residents of the Kingdom of Poland hoped that the Constitution of 1815 would become an impetus for further expansion of the independence of local authorities, and would sooner or later lead to the reunification of Poland with Lithuania, Ukraine and Belarus. However, the Russian emperor had no such plans and in 1820, at the next Sejm, he made it clear to the Poles that previous promises would not be fulfilled;
- The idea of reviving the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth within its former borders is still popular among Poles;
- Violation by the Russian emperor of certain points of the Polish constitution;
- Revolutionary sentiments were in the air throughout Europe. Riots and isolated terrorist attacks occurred in Spain, France and Italy. In the Russian Empire itself, in 1825, there was a Decembrist uprising directed against the new ruler, Nicholas.
Events preceding the uprising
At the Sejm of 1820, the Kalisz Party, representing the liberal gentry opposition, spoke for the first time. The Kalisians soon began to play a key role at the sessions of the Sejm. Through their efforts, the new criminal procedure code, which limited judicial transparency and eliminated the jury trial, and the “Organic Statute,” which made ministers immune from jurisdiction, were rejected. The Russian government responded to this by persecuting oppositionists and attacking the Catholic clergy, however, this only contributed to a surge in national liberation sentiments. Student circles, Masonic lodges and other secret organizations arose everywhere, collaborating closely with Russian revolutionaries. However, the Polish oppositionists still lacked experience, so they could not present a united front and were often arrested by the police.
By the beginning of the Sejm of 1825, the Russian government was thoroughly prepared. On the one hand, many influential Kaliszans were not allowed to attend the meetings, and on the other, Polish landowners learned about innovations that were very beneficial for themselves (cheap loans, low duties on the export of Polish grain to Prussia, increased serfdom). Due to these changes, the Russian government achieved the reign of the most loyal sentiments among Polish landowners. Although the idea of restoring the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was attractive to many Poles, being part of Russia (at that time one of the most powerful European powers) meant economic prosperity - Polish goods were sold on a huge all-Russian market, and duties were very low.
However, secret organizations have not disappeared anywhere. After the Decembrist uprising in St. Petersburg, it became known about the connection between Russian revolutionaries and the Poles. Mass searches and arrests began. In order not to come into conflict with the Poles, Nicholas I allowed the Seim Court to try the rebels. The sentences were very lenient, and the main charge of treason was completely dropped against the defendants. Against the backdrop of worsening relations with Turkey, the emperor did not want to cause confusion in the internal affairs of the state and resigned himself to the verdict.
In 1829, Nicholas I was crowned with the Polish crown and left, having signed several decrees that were contrary to the constitution. Another reason for the future uprising was the emperor’s decisive reluctance to annex the Lithuanian, Belarusian and Ukrainian provinces to the Kingdom of Poland. These two occasions became the impetus for the activation of the Warsaw circle of under-slave men, which arose in 1828. Members of the circle put forward the most decisive slogans, including the murder of the Russian emperor and the creation of a republic in Poland. Contrary to the expectations of the servants, the Polish Sejm did not accept their proposals. Even the most opposition-minded deputies were not ready for the revolution.
But Polish students actively joined the Warsaw circle. As their numbers increased, calls for the establishment of universal equality and the elimination of class differences were increasingly heard. This did not meet with sympathy among the more moderate members of the circle, who imagined the future government consisting of large magnates, gentry and generals. Many of the “moderates” became opponents of the uprising, fearing that it would develop into a riot of the mob.
Progress of the uprising
On the evening of November 29, 1830, a group of revolutionaries attacked Belvedere Castle, where the Polish governor was located - Grand Duke Konstantin Pavlovich. The rebels' target was the emperor's brother himself; it was planned that the revolution would begin with reprisals against him. However, not only the Russian soldiers guarding the castle, but also the Poles themselves took up arms against the rebels. The rebels in vain asked the Polish generals who were under Constantine to come over to their side. Only junior officers responded to their requests, leading their companies out of the barracks. The urban lower classes learned about the uprising. So artisans, students, the poor and workers joined the rebels.
The Polish aristocracy was forced to balance between rebellious compatriots and the tsarist administration. At the same time, the gentry was strongly against further development riot. General Khlopitsky eventually became the dictator of the uprising. He stated that he supported the rebels in every possible way, but his real goal was to quickly establish relations with St. Petersburg. Instead of starting military operations against the tsarist army, Khlopitsky began to arrest the rebels themselves and write letters of loyalty to Nicholas I. The only demand of Khlopitsky and his supporters was the accession of Lithuania, Belarus and Ukraine to the Kingdom of Poland. To this the emperor responded with a decisive refusal. The “moderates” found themselves at an impasse and were ready to capitulate. Khlopitsky resigned. The Sejm, which was meeting at that time, under pressure from the rebellious youth and the poor, was forced to approve the act of deposing Nicholas I. At this time, the army of General Diebitsch was moving towards Poland, the situation was heated to the limit.
The frightened gentry preferred to oppose the Russian emperor rather than incur the wrath of the peasantry, and therefore began to prepare for war with Russia. The gathering of troops proceeded slowly and with constant delays. The first battles took place in February 1831. Despite the small number of the Polish army and the lack of agreement between its commanders, the Poles managed to repel Diebitsch’s attacks for some time. But the new commander of the Polish rebel army, Skrzynetski, immediately entered into secret negotiations with Diebitsch. In the spring, Skrzynetsky missed several opportunities to launch a counterattack.
Meanwhile, peasant unrest began throughout Poland. For the peasants, the uprising was not so much a struggle against St. Petersburg as a way to resist feudal oppression. In exchange for social reforms, they were ready to follow their lords into war with Russia, but the overly conservative policy of the Sejm led to the fact that by the summer of 1831 the peasants finally refused to support the uprising and went against the landowners.
However, in difficult situation Petersburg was also located. Cholera riots began throughout Russia. The disease suffered greatly and Russian army, which stood near Warsaw. Nicholas I demanded that the army immediately suppress the uprising. In early September, troops under the leadership of General Paskevich broke into the suburbs of Warsaw. The Sejm chose to surrender the capital. The Poles also did not find support from foreign powers who were afraid of democratic revolutions at home. At the beginning of October the uprising was finally suppressed.
Results of the uprising
The consequences of the uprising were very disastrous for Poland:
- Poland lost its constitution, diet and army;
- A new administrative system was introduced on its territory, which actually meant the elimination of autonomy;
- The attack on the Catholic Church began.
Young and not-so-young people usually find one defining event in their stories. big countries, and this, as a rule, is gaining independence. But Poland is a country with a very rich history, and in relation to it, it is rather correct to talk not about an event, but about a key motive that determines how Poles think about history. And for Polish cultural memory, such a key issue is the attitude towards the insurgent tradition.
At the end of the 18th century, the territory of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was divided by three neighboring empires - Prussia, Austria and Russia. At first, the Polish gentry, although they were very upset by this, first of all tried to somehow adapt to the new situation. IN early XIX century, she began to connect hopes for the revival of Poland with Napoleon, but he was defeated, and the gentry again had to adapt to the prevailing conditions. It must be said that these conditions were not so tragic. Thus, on the territory of Russia there existed the Kingdom of Poland, or, as the Poles like to say, the Kingdom of Poland - practically a separate state with its own constitution, its own budget, its own army, connected with the Russian Empire by a kind of personal union.
But in November 1830, an uprising began in Warsaw. It was raised by young people who studied at a school for cadets (this is something like a cadet school), and the Polish elites did not support them right away: at first they doubted whether it was worth doing. The uprising was suppressed and led to very serious consequences: the Kingdom of Poland was deprived of its autonomy, a lot of people, up to 200 thousand people, went into emigration, many ended up in Siberia, many died. Indemnities were imposed on Poland, a fortress was built over Warsaw, whose cannons looked at the city, and so on. In fact, the Russian army occupied Poland: Nicholas I said that now, after the uprising, he has the right to behave there as in a conquered country.
Capture of the Warsaw Arsenal during the November Uprising of 1830. Panorama of Marcin Zaleski. 1831 In the 1840s, several attempted uprisings were carried out in the Polish territories that were ceded to Austria and Prussia, and in Krakow, which by this time had the status of a free city under the care of all three states - and as a result, Having lost this status, it became part of the Austrian province of Galicia.
In the early 1860s, reforms began to unfold in Russia and it was abolished serfdom. Petersburg was very concerned about preventing a new Polish uprising, and tried to come to an agreement with the Poles. To achieve this, some elements of Polish autonomy were restored anew: they were allowed to open a university, replace Russian officials with Polish ones, and so on. But in 1863, an uprising nevertheless occurred in the Kingdom of Poland. It developed differently than the uprising of 1830: Poland no longer had autonomy - and, accordingly, now not two armies fought there, but Russian army and partisans. The uprising was again brutally suppressed.
Thus, in the 1860s, the insurgent era ended and the question of whether it was necessary to rebel at all became key for Polish society.
Criticism
As a reaction, two schools of thought about the history and, accordingly, the future of Poland arose. Firstly, the so-called Warsaw positivism is the school to which the writers Boleslaw Prus, Henryk Sienkiewicz, Eliza Orzeszko and others belonged. From their point of view, the uprisings brought the Polish nation to the brink of survival: a huge number of Polish youth were exiled to Siberia, went to the Caucasus to fight in the ranks of the Russian army, went into exile or died on the battlefields. They believed that this should be decisively stopped, and that the focus should be on what they called “ organic work": that is, work, study, develop entrepreneurship and the economy, science and education, thus increasing the “organic strength” of Polish society, and then freedom will come on its own, without desperate and reckless impulses.
This idea became popular not only in Russian Poland, but also in other parts of it. Firstly, there were also uprisings there, which did not help achieve anything, and secondly, the Poles there were under very severe pressure from the emerging German capitalism and rise - the Poles were afraid that they would simply be crushed.
Stanczyk. Painting by Jan Matejko. 1862 Muzeum Narodowe w Warszawie / Wikimedia Commons The second version of the reaction to the uprising of 1863 arose in Galicia and was called the “Cracow historical school.”
Galicia is the most economically backward region of Poland, but it is steeped in history and has a very strong gentry tradition. And the rebel idea was very closely connected with this tradition. At the same time, one of the differences between the Polish gentry and the Russian nobility was its large number: if Russian nobles made up 1-2% of the population, then the Polish gentry made up about 10%, and in some regions, including Galicia, up to 15%. And in the 1860s, a party appeared there, whose members began to call themselves stanchiki. Stanczyk is the name of a jester who, at the end of the 15th and beginning of the 16th centuries, lived at the court of the Polish king and all the time said unpleasant things to the king and the Polish nobility - he mocked their arrogance, vanity and recklessness. The Stanczyks, as if continuing such a critical tradition, question the rebel idea, considering it reckless and embodying all the negative features of the Polish gentry. At the same time, in contrast to the Warsaw positivists, who adhered to liberal views, the Stanczyks were conservatives: for them capitalism was something alien, they perceived it as an incomprehensible rotten force that deprives a person of subjectivity. From their midst came two of the greatest Polish historians of the 19th century - Józef Szújski and Michal Bobrzyński, who described the history of Poland as a history of lack of sobriety, calculation, restraint, systematic effort, a history of gentry egoism and arrogance.
Glorification
The tradition of glorifying the insurgent movement also existed, but rather at the individual level. You can see this, for example, at the famous Polish Lychakiv cemetery, which is located in Lviv: there is a section filled with identical small iron crosses, which stand in rows, like ranks of soldiers. People who took part in the uprising of 1830-1831 are buried under these crosses. If we look at the dates written on these crosses, we see that many of these people died much later - say, in the 1880s. That is, 50 years have passed since the uprising, and a person is buried as a rebel - his identity is connected exclusively with this event. And in fact, in each subsequent generation of Poles, a certain number of people were born who identified themselves with this rebel tradition.
Arthur Grotger. On the battlefield. From the cycle "Polonia". 1866
Arthur Grotger. Forging braids From the cycle "Polonia". 1863Szépműveszeti Múzeum / Wikimedia Commons
Arthur Grotger. Defense of the estate. From the cycle "Polonia". 1863Szépműveszeti Múzeum / Wikimedia Commons
Arthur Grotger. Shelter. From the cycle "Polonia". 1863Szépműveszeti Múzeum / Wikimedia Commons
Arthur Grotger. Mourning news. From the cycle "Polonia". 1863Szépműveszeti Múzeum / Wikimedia Commons
Immediately after the uprising of 1863, the Polish artist Arthur Grotger created vivid tragic images of the rebels. He himself did not participate in the uprising and lived in Vienna at that time, but later he helped the rebels fleeing from the authorities, and painted scenes of the uprising on engravings - that is, works intended for reproduction.
On the territory of the Russian Empire, manifestations of this tradition were practically impossible, primarily due to stricter censorship than in Austria, so artists and writers did not speak directly about the uprisings. But stories reminiscent of the heroic past of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the past triumph of Polish weapons arose very often. For example, in a painting by artist Jan Matejko, Russian boyars during Livonian War They bow to the Polish king and Grand Duke of Lithuania Stefan Batory, who besieged Pskov. Of course, in 1872, when this picture was painted, it was very pleasant to see it: it reminded us that the Poles were once stronger and should become stronger in the future.
Stefan Batory near Pskov. Painting by Jan Matejko. 1872 Zamek Królewski / Wikimedia Commons Uprising of 1944
After the end of the First World War, Poland was restored and gained independence. After this, the idea that it was the struggle - that is, the rebel tradition - that led to the restoration of independent Poland became an important motive for the historical education of youth. At the same time, no one asked the question why the Czechs, who never rebelled, gained independence in the same 1918 In 1918, the Austro-Hungarian Empire collapsed; many independent states were restored or created. In particular, on October 28, the creation of the First Czechoslovak Republic was proclaimed, and on November 6, the re-establishment of Poland was announced..
During World War II, Poland had one of the most developed resistance movements: the Polish Home Army actively fought the German occupation army all the time. In 1944, when Soviet troops were already approaching Warsaw, the leaders of this army decided to raise an anti-German uprising in the city. It was as reckless or even more reckless than the uprisings of the 19th century: the Poles were very poorly armed and relied only on the fact that the Red Army would continue to advance, the Germans would continue to retreat and the rebels would greet the Red Army as the masters of Warsaw. But the Red Army stopped on the banks of the Vistula, and the Germans began to systematically destroy the rebels and Warsaw. As a result, the city, which by the summer of 1944 remained more or less intact, two months later, by the end of the uprising, was destroyed by more than 90%, killing 200 thousand civilians.
11/17/1830 (11/30). – Attack of Polish rebels on the palace of the governor of the Kingdom of Poland, Vel. Prince Konstantin Pavlovich. Beginning of the Polish uprising
About the Polish uprising of 1830–1831.
When, after, by decision Congress of Vienna 1815 Polish territories were transferred to Russia, they were included in Russian Empire in the form of an autonomous Kingdom (Kingdom) of Poland.
On November 17, 1815, not at all wanting the Russification of the Poles, generously, which they wanted, the legislative Sejm, an independent court, preserved a separate Polish army and monetary system.
The Poles lost all this after the uprising of 1830–1831, which began on the 15th anniversary of the granting of the constitution with an attack by Polish rebels on the palace of the governor of the Kingdom of Poland, Grand Duke Konstantin Pavlovich. The Catholic gentry, having no sympathy for Orthodox Russia and encouraged by the Vatican, staged a rebellion under the slogan of “independence” (although in fact they had it, but wanted the same impunity), and Masonic structures, similar to those in Russia, became its stronghold...
In 1830, Masonic lodges in Europe were preparing a wave of “progressive revolutions” against the conservative aristocracy. The July Revolution in France, which overthrew the Bourbons, and the simultaneous revolution against the Dutch monarchy, which declared independence, gave food to the ambitions of the Polish revolutionaries. The immediate cause of the uprising was the news of the imminent dispatch of Russian and Polish troops to suppress the Belgian revolution.
On November 17, 1830, a crowd of conspirators broke into the Belvedere Palace, the Warsaw residence of the governor, and committed a pogrom there, injuring several people from the Grand Duke’s entourage. Konstantin Pavlovich managed to escape. On the same day, an uprising began in Warsaw, led by the secret gentry officer society of P. Vysotsky. The rebels captured the arsenal. Many Russian officials, officers and generals who were in Warsaw were killed.
In the conditions of the outbreak of the rebellion, the behavior of the governor looked extremely strange. Grand Duke Konstantin Pavlovich considered the uprising a simple outburst of anger and did not allow his troops to move to suppress it, saying that “the Russians have nothing to do in a fight.” Then he sent home that part of the Polish troops that at the beginning of the uprising still remained loyal to the authorities. Warsaw fell completely into the hands of the rebels. With a small Russian detachment, the governor left Poland. The powerful military fortresses of Modlin and Zamosc were surrendered to the rebels without a fight. A few days after the governor fled, all Russian troops abandoned the Kingdom of Poland.
In the euphoria of unexpected success, the administrative council of the Kingdom of Poland was transformed into the Provisional Government. The Sejm elected General J. Chlopicki as commander-in-chief of the Polish troops and proclaimed him a “dictator,” but the general renounced dictatorial powers and, not believing in the success of the war with Russia, sent a delegation to. The Russian Tsar refused to negotiate with the rebel government and on January 5, 1831 Khlopitsky resigned. Prince Radziwill became the new Polish commander-in-chief. On January 13, 1831, the Sejm announced the “deposition” of Nicholas I - depriving him of the Polish crown. A government led by Prince A. Czartoryski came to power. At the same time, the revolutionary Sejm refused to consider even the most moderate projects for agrarian reform and improvement of the situation of the peasants.
The Polish government was preparing to fight with Russia, increasing the army conscription from 35 to 130 thousand people. But the Russian troops stationed in the western provinces were not ready for war. Although they numbered 183 thousand, the vast majority of the military garrisons were so-called “invalid commands.” It was necessary to send combat-ready units.
Field Marshal Count I.I. was appointed commander-in-chief of the Russian troops. Dibich-Zabalkansky, and the chief of staff was General Count K.F. Tol. Dibich, without waiting for the concentration of all forces, without providing the army with food and without having time to equip the rear, on January 24, 1831, entered the Kingdom of Poland between the Bug and Narev rivers. A separate left column of General Kreutz was supposed to occupy the Lublin Voivodeship in the south of the Kingdom and divert enemy forces to itself. However, the onset of a thaw and muddy roads buried the original plan. On February 2, 1831, in the battle of Stoczek, a Russian brigade of mounted rangers under the command of General Geismar was defeated by the Polish detachment of Dvernitsky. The battle between the main forces of Russian and Polish troops took place on February 13, 1831 at Grochow and ended in the defeat of the Polish army. But Diebitsch did not dare to continue the offensive, expecting serious resistance.
The Polish command took advantage of the inaction of the main forces of the Russian troops and, trying to gain time, began peace negotiations with General Diebitsch. Meanwhile, on February 19, 1831, Dvernitsky’s detachment crossed the Vistula, scattered small Russian detachments and tried to invade Volyn. Reinforcements arrived there under the command of General Tol and forced Dwernicki to take refuge in Zamosc. A few days later, the Vistula was cleared of ice and Diebich began preparing a crossing to the left bank near Tyrczyn. But Polish troops attacked the rear of the main forces of the Russian troops and thwarted their offensive.
The revolutionaries were also not idle. In the areas adjacent to the Kingdom of Poland - Volyn and Podolia - unrest began, and an open rebellion broke out in Lithuania. Lithuania was guarded only by a weak Russian division (3,200 men) stationed in Vilna. Diebitsch sent military reinforcements to Lithuania. Attacks by small Polish detachments in the rear exhausted Diebitsch's main forces. The actions of the Russian troops, moreover, were complicated by the cholera epidemic that broke out in April; there were about 5 thousand patients in the army.
At the beginning of May, the 45,000-strong Polish army under the command of Skrzyniecki launched an offensive against the 27,000-strong Russian Guards Corps, commanded by Grand Duke Mikhail Pavlovich, and threw it back to Bialystok - beyond the borders of the Kingdom of Poland. Diebich did not immediately believe in the success of the Polish offensive against the guard and only 10 days later he sent his main forces against the rebels. On May 14, 1831, in the major battle of Ostroleka, the Polish army was defeated. But a large detachment of the Polish general Gelgud (12 thousand people) in the Russian rear was united by local bands of rebels, its number doubled. Russian and Polish forces in Lithuania were approximately equal.
On May 29, 1831, General Dibich fell ill with cholera and died on the same day. General Tol temporarily took command. On June 7, 1831, Gelgud attacked Russian positions near Vilna, but was defeated and fled to Prussia. A few days later, the Russian troops of General Roth defeated the Polish Kolyshka gang near Dashev and near the village of Majdanek, which led to the pacification of the rebellion in Volyn. New attempts by Skshinetsky to move to the rear of the Russian army failed.
On June 13, 1831, the new commander-in-chief of the Russian troops, Field Marshal General Count I.F., arrived in Poland. Paskevich-Erivansky. There was a 50,000-strong Russian army near Warsaw; it was opposed by 40,000 rebels. The Polish authorities declared a general militia, but the common people refused to shed blood for the power of self-interested nobles. In July, the Russian army, having built bridges, crossed to the enemy shore, the Polish troops retreated to Warsaw.
On August 3, unrest began in Warsaw, the commander-in-chief and head of government were replaced. In response to the proposal to surrender Warsaw, the Polish leadership stated that the Poles had rebelled in order to restore their fatherland to its ancient borders, that is, to Smolensk and Kyiv. On August 25, Russian troops stormed the outskirts of Warsaw; on the night of August 26-27, 1831, Polish troops capitulated.
In September and October 1831, the remnants of the Polish army, which continued resistance, were expelled by Russian troops from the Kingdom of Poland to Prussia and Austria, where they were disarmed. The last fortresses to surrender were Modlin (September 20, 1831) and Zamosc (October 9, 1831). The uprising was pacified, and the sovereign statehood of the Kingdom of Poland was eliminated. Count I.F. was appointed governor. Paskevich-Erivansky, who received the new title of Prince of Warsaw.
Speech of Emperor Nicholas I before the Polish delegation
Getting ready to visit Warsaw after the latest unrest, Nicholas I wrote on June 30, 1835 to Paskevich-Erivansky: “I know that they want to kill me, but I believe that without the will of God nothing will happen, and I am completely calm...” In the fall, the Emperor arrived in Warsaw. A delegation of Poles-citizens petitioned to be received by the Tsar to present an address prepared in advance, with an expression of reverent devotion to him. The Emperor agreed to this, declaring that it would be he, not them, who would speak. Here is the speech of the Emperor:
“I know, gentlemen, that you wanted to address me with a speech; I even know its content, and precisely in order to save you from lies, I wish that it would not be uttered before me. Yes, gentlemen, in order to save you from lies, for I know that your feelings are not what you want to convince me of. And how can I believe them when you told me the same thing on the eve of the revolution? Wasn’t it you yourself, one five years old, one eight years old, who spoke to me about fidelity, about devotion and made me such solemn assurances of devotion? A few days later, you broke your vows, you committed horrors.
To Emperor Alexander I, who did more for you than the Russian Emperor should have, who showered you with blessings, who patronized you more than his natural subjects, who made you into the most prosperous and happiest nation, you paid Emperor Alexander I with the blackest ingratitude.
You never wanted to be satisfied with the most advantageous position and ended up destroying their own happiness...
Gentlemen, we need actions, not words. Repentance must have its source in the heart... First of all, you must fulfill your obligations and behave as you should honest people. You, gentlemen, have to choose between two paths: either persist in dreams of an independent Poland, or live calmly and as loyal subjects under my rule.
If you stubbornly cherish the dream of a separate, national, independent Poland and all these chimeras, you will only bring upon yourself great misfortunes. By my command, a citadel was erected here; and I announce to you that at the slightest disturbance I will order the destruction of your city, I will destroy Warsaw, and, of course, it will not be me who will rebuild it again. It’s hard for me to tell you this - it’s very hard for the Emperor to treat his subjects like this; but I tell you this for your own benefit. It will depend on you, gentlemen, to deserve oblivion of what happened. You can achieve this only by your behavior and your devotion to my government.
I know that correspondence is being conducted with foreign lands, that reprehensible writings are sent here, and that they are trying to corrupt minds... Among all the troubles that are disturbing Europe, and among all the teachings that are shaking public building Russia alone remains powerful and unyielding.
God will reward everyone according to their deserts, and not here! I don’t think that meanness and betrayal, which here are often rewarded with earthly riches by the Prince of THIS WORLD, will save you from the torments of hell. Let the Poles have their own state today. But we have the right to ask the question: is it ours? Are they the rightful owners of it? Especially against the backdrop of the developing crisis with emigrants in Europe, gay pride parades that are mandatory for the European community (this is in Catholic Poland, which boasts of its piety:)!) and other prodding by their “elder democratic brothers”. Poland is now a simple “six”. Spit and grind the nobles' pride.
The Poles were never able to come to terms with the loss of independence at the end of the 18th century and continued to fight for the freedom of their country. The 19th century became for Poland a century of struggle against Russian occupation. One of the largest anti-Russian uprisings occurred in 1830. The Poles themselves call it November. This uprising covered the territory of Poland, as well as the lands of Western Belarus and Ukraine.
It began at the end of November 1830 and lasted until October 1831. The rebels demanded the restoration of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth within the borders of 1772.
Background to the uprising
After the end of the Napoleonic wars, Polish lands became part of the Kingdom of Poland - a state under the protectorate of Russia. His form of government was a constitutional monarchy. The country had a parliament elected for two years and a very liberal constitution. Also, the Kingdom of Poland had its own army, which included veterans who fought on the side of Napoleon.
The king (king) was represented by a viceroy. At that time, the governor was Zajoncek, an active participant in the struggle for Polish independence. The Polish army was commanded by the brother of the Russian Tsar, Konstantin Pavlovich. In an effort to gain support among broad sections of Polish society, the Russian leadership declared freedom of speech, conscience and equality of civil rights in Poland. But in reality the constitution was not implemented, Alexander I began to reduce liberal freedoms. He tried to abolish jury trials and also introduce censorship.
In addition, the Russian side carried out a policy of pressure on the Sejm, and Grand Duke Konstantin Pavlovich was installed in the place of governor. All this greatly worried the Poles. This situation was superimposed on the rise of patriotic feelings associated with the lost independence of Poland.
In 1819, several Polish officers organized the National Masonic Society, which included about two hundred people. This organization later became the Patriotic Society. Besides him, there were other similar organizations: the Templars (in Volyn) and the Promenists (in Vilna). They had a clear patriotic bent and sought to return independence to Poland. The Polish clergy also supported them. There were contacts between the Polish conspirators and the Russian Decembrists, but they ended in vain.
The revolution in France had a great influence on the conspirators. It was this event that changed their plans and forced them to act faster and more decisively.
Insurrection
On August 12, 1830, the revolutionaries held a meeting at which calls were made for an early action. However, they decided to enlist the support of high-ranking military officials. Soon they managed to win over several generals to their side. The revolutionary movement embraced almost the entire society: the officer corps, students, and gentry.
The revolutionaries planned to kill the Russian prince Konstantin Pavlovich and seize the barracks of the Russian troops. According to their plan, this was to be the beginning of a general uprising. The start of the uprising was planned for October 26. However, the Grand Duke was warned by his wife and he did not appear on the street.
At this very time, a revolution occurred in Belgium and, by order of the Russian Tsar, the Poles had to participate in its suppression. This particularly angered them.
The uprising began on November 29. It was attended by residents of Warsaw and Polish troops. The Russian regiments were blocked in their barracks and demoralized. Prince Constantine fled his palace and then ordered loyal troops to leave Warsaw. The next day all of Poland rebelled. Prince Konstantin left the country.
The next day, some of the members of the Administrative Council were dismissed, and their places were taken by representatives of the rebels. The leadership of the revolutionary movement was divided into two parts: more radical and moderate. The radical part, which was represented by people of left-wing convictions, wanted to continue the revolution, turning it into a pan-European one. The moderates believed that it was necessary to negotiate with the Russian Tsar.
Gradually, the influence of the right is becoming stronger. On December 5, General Khlopitsky accused the government of demagoguery and declared himself a dictator. Representatives were sent to the Russian Tsar to begin negotiations. The Poles wanted to return the lands lost by the country, they demanded the implementation of the constitution, open work Sejm and the absence of Russian troops on their land. Nicholas I promised only an amnesty to the rebels.
Start of hostilities
At the beginning of 1831, Russian troops numbering 125 thousand people invaded Poland. On February 14, the first battle of Stoczek took place, ending in victory for the Poles. Then there was the Battle of Grochove, in which both sides suffered serious losses. The Poles were forced to retreat to Warsaw.
In March, the rebel troops launched a counter-offensive and inflicted several significant defeats on the Russian troops. At this very time, a partisan war against the Russians began in Volyn and Belarus.
On May 26, the battle of Ostroleka took place, 40 thousand Poles and 70 thousand Russian troops took part in it. The Poles were defeated.
At the end of August the siege of Warsaw began. Russian troops outnumbered the defenders by more than two to one. On September 6, after fruitless negotiations, Russian troops stormed the city.
September 8 Russian troops entered Warsaw. Part of the Polish army crossed into Austrian territory, the other part into Prussian territory. The garrisons of some fortresses held out until the end of October.
Results of the uprising
The result of the 1830 uprising was the emergence of the “Limited Status”, which significantly reduced the autonomy of the Polish state. Now the Kingdom of Poland became part of Russia. The Sejm was abolished and the Polish army ceased to exist. Voivodships were replaced by provinces. The process of turning Poland into a Russian province began.
The persecution of Catholics began and they were forced to convert to Orthodoxy.
The suppression of the Polish uprising significantly increased the degree of Russophobic sentiment in Europe. The Poles, in the face of European public opinion, became heroes and martyrs.
